Acknowledgments
The authors wish to thank the various individuals and organizations
that provided assistance in the preparation of this book. Allen W.
Thrasher, Asian Division, and Lygia M. Ballantyne and the staff of the
New Delhi Field Office of the Library of Congress provided useful and
timely research materials from Bhutan. Karl Ryavec of the Defense
Mapping Agency verified hard-to-locate Nepalese and Bhutanese
place-names and spellings. Staff from the Royal Nepalese Embassy in
Washington provided photographs, statistical data, and the clarification
of information. Staff of the Permanent Mission to the United Nations of
the Kingdom of Bhutan kindly provided maps, photographs, and documentary
information on Bhutan.
Special thanks goes to Brian C. Shaw for lending his expertise on
Nepal and Bhutan in serving as reader of the completed manuscript.
Additionally, Thierry Mathou, a member of the staff of the Embassy of
France in Washington, who is preparing his own manuscript on Bhutan,
reviewed the Bhutan text and provided helpful research materials and
insights. Gopal Siwkoti, then an attorney with the Washington-based
International Human Rights Law Group, also provided materials and shared
his insights on the development of Nepalese politics during the
prodemocracy movement. Tshering Dorji, director of the Department of
Telecommunications of the Kingdom of Bhutan, graciously allowed the
author of the Bhutan chapter to interview him when he visited the
Library of Congress and reviewed and suggested corrections to the
section on Bhutan's telecommunications. Thanks are also due Ralph K.
Benesch, who oversees the Country Studies--Area Handbook Program for the
Department of the Army.
Thanks also go to staff members of the Federal Research Division of
the Library of Congress who directly assisted with the book. Sandra W.
Meditz reviewed the entire manuscript and made useful suggestions; David
P. Cabitto prepared the layout and graphics; Marilyn Majeska supervised
editing and managed production; Andrea Merrill provided invaluable
assistance in preparing the tables; Timothy L. Merrill reviewed the maps
and geography and telecommunications sections; Ly Burnham reviewed
sections on demography; Alberta J. King provided secondary-source
research assistance in the preparation of Chapter 6 and bibliographic
assistance for other chapters; and Izella Watson and Barbara Edgerton
performed word processing.
The following individuals are gratefully acknowledged as well:
Harriet R. Blood for preparing the topography and drainage maps; Barbara
Harrison and Beverly J. Wolpert for editing the body of the book;
Catherine Schwartzstein for prepublication editorial review; Joan C.
Cook for preparing the index; Joyce L. Rahim for wordprocessing support;
and Linda Peterson of the Printing and Processing Section, Library of
Congress for phototypesetting, under the direction of Peggy Pixley.
Preface
This is from the first edition of Nepal and Bhutan: Country
Studies.
It supersedes the 1973 Area Handbook for Nepal, Bhutan, and Sikkim.
The material on Nepal is presented in the standard five-chapter format
of the country study series. A sixth chapter, on Bhutan, covers the
subjects addressed the five Nepal chapters, but in a single chapter. The
material on Sikkim has been dropped; readers should consult India: A
Country Study for information on Sikkim.
Nepal and Bhutan: Country Studies is an effort to present an
objective and concise account of the social, economic, political, and
national security concerns of contemporary Nepal and Bhutan within
historical frameworks. A variety of scholarly monographs and journals,
official reports of government and international organizations, and
foreign and domestic newspapers and periodicals were used as sources.
Brief commentary on some of the more useful and readily accessible
sources appears at the end of each chapter. Full references to these and
other sources appear in the Bibliography. The annual editions of the Bibliography
of Asian Studies will provide the reader with additional materials
on Nepal and Bhutan.
The authors have limited the use of foreign and technical terms,
which are defined when they first appear. Readers are also referred to
the Glossary at the back of the volume. Spellings of contemporary place
names generally are those approved by the United States Board on
Geographic Names. All measurements are given in the metric system.
The body of the text reflects information available as of September
1991. Certain other portions of the text, however, have been updated.
The Introduction discusses significant events that have occurred since
the completion of research, the Country Profile includes updated
information as available, and the Bibliography includes recently
published sources thought to be particularly helpful to the reader.
Bhutan - HISTORICAL SETTING
Although knowledge of prehistoric Bhutan has yet to emerge through
archaeological study, stone tools and weapons, remnants of large stone
structures, and megaliths that may have been used for boundary markers
or rituals provide evidence of civilization as early as 2000 B.C. The
absence of neolithic mythological legends argues against earlier
inhabitation. A more certain prehistoric period has been theorized by
historians as that of the state of Lhomon (literally, southern darkness)
or Monyul (dark land, a reference to the Monpa aboriginal peoples of
Bhutan), possibly a part of Tibet that was then beyond the pale of
Buddhist teachings. Monyul is thought to have existed between 500
B.C. and A.D. 600. The names Lhomon Tsendenjong (southern Mon sandalwood
country) and Lhomon Khashi (southern Mon country of four approaches),
found in ancient Bhutanese and Tibetan chronicles, may also have
credence and have been used by some Bhutanese scholars when referring to
their homeland. Variations of the Sanskrit words Bhota-ant (end of Bhot,
an Indian name for Tibet) or Bhu-uttan (meaning highlands) have been
suggested by historians as origins of the name Bhutan, which came into
common foreign use in the late nineteenth century and is used in Bhutan
only in English-language official correspondence. The traditional name
of the country since the seventeenth century has been Drukyul- -country
of the Drokpa, the Dragon People, or the Land of the Thunder Dragon--a
reference to the country's dominant Buddhist sect.
Some scholars believe that during the early historical period the
inhabitants were fierce mountain aborigines, the Monpa, who were of
neither the Tibetan or Mongol stock that later overran northern Bhutan.
The people of Monyul practiced the shamanistic Bon religion, which
emphasized worship of nature and the existence of good and evil spirits.
During the latter part of this period, historical legends relate that
the mighty king of Monyul invaded a southern region known as the Duars,
subduing the regions of modern Assam, West Bengal, and Bihar in India.
Bhutan - Arrival of Buddhism
The introduction of Buddhism occurred in the seventh century A.D.,
when Tibetan king Srongtsen Gampo (reigned A.D. 627-49), a convert to
Buddhism, ordered the construction of two Buddhist temples, at Bumthang
in central Bhutan and at Kyichu in the Paro Valley. Buddhism replaced but did not eliminate the Bon religious
practices that had also been prevalent in Tibet until the late sixth
century. Instead, Buddhism absorbed Bon and its believers. As the
country developed in its many fertile valleys, Buddhism matured and
became a unifying element. It was Buddhist literature and chronicles
that began the recorded history of Bhutan.
In A.D. 747, a Buddhist saint, Padmasambhava (known in Bhutan as Guru
Rimpoche and sometimes referred to as the Second Buddha), came to Bhutan
from India at the invitation of one of the numerous local kings. After
reportedly subduing eight classes of demons and converting the king,
Guru Rimpoche moved on to Tibet. Upon his return from Tibet, he oversaw
the construction of new monasteries in the Paro Valley and set up his
headquarters in Bumthang. According to tradition, he founded the
Nyingmapa sect--also known as the "old sect" or Red Hat
sect--of Mahayana Buddhism, which became for a time the dominant
religion of Bhutan. Guru Rimpoche plays a great historical and religious
role as the national patron saint who revealed the tantras--manuals
describing forms of devotion to natural energy--to Bhutan. Following the
guru's sojourn, Indian influence played a temporary role until
increasing Tibetan migrations brought new cultural and religious
contributions.
There was no central government during this period. Instead, small
independent monarchies began to develop by the early ninth century. Each
was ruled by a deb (king), some of whom claimed divine origins.
The kingdom of Bumthang was the most prominent among these small
entities. At the same time, Tibetan Buddhist monks (lam in
Dzongkha, Bhutan's official national language) had firmly rooted their
religion and culture in Bhutan, and members of joint Tibetan-Mongol
military expeditions settled in fertile valleys. By the eleventh
century, all of Bhutan was occupied by Tibetan-Mongol military forces.
Bhutan - Rivalry among the Sects
Consolidation and Defeat of Tibetan Invasions, 1616-51
In the seventeenth century, a theocratic government independent of
Tibetan political influence was established, and premodern Bhutan
emerged. The theocratic government was founded by an expatriate Drukpa
monk, Ngawang Namgyal, who arrived in Bhutan in 1616 seeking freedom
from the domination of the Gelugpa subsect led by the Dalai Lama (Ocean
Lama) in Lhasa. After a series of victories over rival subsect leaders
and Tibetan invaders, Ngawang Namgyal took the title shabdrung
(At Whose Feet One Submits, or, in many Western sources, dharma raja),
becoming the temporal and spiritual leader of Bhutan. Considered the
first great historical figure of Bhutan, he united the leaders of
powerful Bhutanese families in a land called Drukyul. He promulgated a
code of law and built a network of impregnable dzong, a system
that helped bring local lords under centralized control and strengthened
the country against Tibetan invasions. Many dzong were extant
in the late twentieth century.
Tibetan armies invaded Bhutan around 1629, in 1631, and again in
1639, hoping to throttle Ngawang Namgyal's popularity before it spread
too far. The invasions were thwarted, and the Drukpa subsect developed a
strong presence in western and central Bhutan, leaving Ngawang Namgyal
supreme. In recognition of the power he accrued, goodwill missions were
sent to Bhutan from Cooch Behar in the Duars (present-day northeastern
West Bengal), Nepal to the west, and Ladakh in western Tibet. The ruler
of Ladakh even gave a number of villages in his kingdom to Ngawang
Namgyal. During the first war with Tibet, two Portuguese Jesuits--the
first recorded Europeans to visit--passed through Bhutan on their way to
Tibet. They met with Ngawang Namgyal, presented him with firearms,
gunpowder, and a telescope, and offered him their services in the war
against Tibet, but the shabdrung declined the offer.
Bhutan's troubles were not over, however. In 1643 a joint
Mongol-Tibetan force sought to destroy Nyingmapa refugees who had fled
to Bhutan, Sikkim, and Nepal. The Mongols had seized control of
religious and civil power in Tibet in the 1630s and established Gelugpa
as the state religion. Bhutanese rivals of Ngawang Namgyal encouraged
the Mongol intrusion, but the Mongol force was easily defeated in the
humid lowlands of southern Bhutan. Another Tibetan invasion in 1647 also
failed.
During Ngawang Namgyal's rule, administration comprised a state
monastic body with an elected head, the Je Khenpo (lord abbot), and a
theocratic civil government headed by the druk desi (regent of
Bhutan, also known as deb raja in Western sources). The druk
desi was either a monk or a member of the laity--by the nineteenth
century, usually the latter; he was elected for a three-year term,
initially by a monastic council and later by the State Council (Lhengye
Tshokdu). The State Council was a central administrative organ that
included regional rulers, the shabdrung's chamberlains, and the
druk desi. In time, the druk desi came under the
political control of the State Council's most powerful faction of
regional administrators. The shabdrung was the head of state
and the ultimate authority in religious and civil matters. The seat of
government was at Thimphu, the site of a thirteenth-century dzong,
in the spring, summer, and fall. The winter capital was at Punakha, a dzong
established northeast of Thimphu in 1527. The kingdom was divided into
three regions (east, central, and west), each with an appointed ponlop,
or governor, holding a seat in a major dzong. Districts were
headed by dzongpon, or district officers, who had their
headquarters in lesser dzong. The ponlop were
combination tax collectors, judges, military commanders, and procurement
agents for the central government. Their major revenues came from the
trade between Tibet and India and from land taxes.
Ngawang Namgyal's regime was bound by a legal code called the Tsa
Yig, which described the spiritual and civil regime and provided laws
for government administration and for social and moral conduct. The
duties and virtues inherent in the Buddhist dharma (religious law)
played a large role in the new legal code, which remained in force until
the 1960s.
Bhutan - Administrative Integration and Conflict with Tibet, 1651- 1728
To keep Bhutan from disintegrating, Ngawang Namgyal's death in 1651
apparently was kept a carefully guarded secret for fifty-four years.
Initially, Ngawang Namgyal was said to have entered into a religious
retreat, a situation not unprecedented in Bhutan, Sikkim, or Tibet
during that time. During the period of Ngawang Namgyal's supposed
retreat, appointments of officials were issued in his name, and food was
left in front of his locked door.
Ngawang Namgyal's son and stepbrother, in 1651 and 1680,
respectively, succeeded him. They started their reigns as minors under
the control of religious and civil regents and rarely exercised
authority in their own names. For further continuity, the concept of
multiple reincarnation of the first shabdrung--in the form of
either his body, his speech, or his mind--was invoked by the Je Khenpo
and the druk desi, both of whom wanted to retain the power they
had accrued through the dual system of government. The last person
recognized as the bodily reincarnation of Ngawang Namgyal died in the
mid-eighteenth century, but speech and mind reincarnations, embodied by
individuals who acceded to the position of shabdrung, were
recognized into the early twentieth century. The power of the state
religion also increased with a new monastic code that remained in effect
in the early 1990s. The compulsory admission to monastic life of at
least one son from any family having three or more sons was instituted
in the late seventeenth century. In time, however, the State Council
became increasingly secular as did the successive druk desi, ponlop,
and dzongpon, and intense rivalries developed among the ponlop
of Tongsa and Paro and the dzongpon of Punakha, Thimphu, and
Wangdiphodrang.
During the first period of succession and further internal
consolidation under the druk desi government, there was
conflict with Tibet and Sikkim. Internal opposition to the central
government resulted in overtures by the opponents of the druk desi
to Tibet and Sikkim. In the 1680s, Bhutan invaded Sikkim in pursuit of a
rebellious local lord. In 1700 Bhutan again invaded Sikkim, and in 1714
Tibetan forces, aided by Mongolia, invaded Bhutan but were unable to
gain control.
Bhutan - Civil Conflict, 1728-72
Under the Cooch Behari agreement with the British, a British
expeditionary force drove the Bhutanese garrison out of Cooch Behar and
invaded Bhutan in 1772-73. The druk desi petitioned Lhasa for
assistance from the Panchen Lama, who was serving as regent for the
youthful Dalai Lama. In correspondence with the British governor general
of India, however, the Panchen Lama instead castigated the druk desi
and invoked Tibet's claim of suzerainty over Bhutan.
Failing to receive help from Tibet, the druk desi signed a
Treaty of Peace with the British East India Company on April 25, 1774.
Bhutan agreed to return to its pre-1730 boundaries, paid a symbolic
tribute of five horses to Britain, and, among other concessions, allowed
the British to harvest timber in Bhutan. Subsequent missions to Bhutan
were made by the British in 1776, 1777, and 1783, and commerce was
opened between British India and Bhutan and, for a short time, Tibet. In
1784 the British turned over to Bhutanese control Bengal Duars
territory, where boundaries were poorly defined. As in its other foreign
territories, Bhutan left administration of the Bengal Duars territory to
local officials and collected its revenues. Although major trade and
political relations failed to develop between Bhutan and Britain, the
British had replaced the Tibetans as the major external threat.
Boundary disputes plagued Bhutanese-British relations. To reconcile
their differences, Bhutan sent an emissary to Calcutta in 1787, and the
British sent missions to Thimphu in 1815 and 1838. The 1815 mission was
inconclusive. The 1838 mission offered a treaty providing for
extradition of Bhutanese officials responsible for incursions into
Assam, free and unrestricted commerce between India and Bhutan, and
settlement of Bhutan's debt to the British. In an attempt to protect its
independence, Bhutan rejected the British offer. Despite increasing
internal disorder, Bhutan had maintained its control over a portion of
the Assam Duars more or less since its reduction of Cooch Behar to a
dependency in the 1760s. After the British gained control of Lower Assam
in 1826, tension between the countries began to rise as Britain exerted
its strength. Bhutanese payments of annual tribute to the British for
the Assam Duars gradually fell into arrears, however. The resulting
British demands for payment and military incursions into Bhutan in 1834
and 1835 brought about defeat for Bhutan's forces and a temporary loss
of territory.
The British proceeded in 1841 to annex the formerly
Bhutanesecontrolled Assam Duars, paying a compensation of 10,000 rupees
a year to Bhutan. In 1842 Bhutan gave up control to the British of some
of the troublesome Bengal Duars territory it had administered since
1784.
Charges and countercharges of border incursions and protection of
fugitives led to an unsuccessful Bhutanese mission to Calcutta in 1852.
Among other demands, the mission sought increased compensation for its
former Duars territories, but instead the British deducted nearly 3,000
rupees from the annual compensation and demanded an apology for alleged
plundering of British-protected lands by members of the mission.
Following more incidents and the prospect of an anti-Bhutan rebellion in
the Bengal Duars, British troops deployed to the frontier in the
mid-1850s. The Sepoy Rebellion in India in 1857-58 and the demise of the
British East India Company's rule prevented immediate British action.
Bhutanese armed forces raided Sikkim and Cooch Behar in 1862, seizing
people, property, and money. The British responded by withholding all
compensation payments and demanding release of all captives and return
of stolen property. Demands to the druk desi went unheeded, as
he was alleged to be unaware of his frontier officials' actions against
Sikkim and Cooch Behar.
Britain sent a peace mission to Bhutan in early 1864, in the wake of
the recent conclusion of a civil war there. The dzongpon of
Punakha--who had emerged victorious--had broken with the central
government and set up a rival druk desi while the legitimate druk
desi sought the protection of the ponlop of Paro and was
later deposed. The British mission dealt alternately with the rival ponlop
of Paro and the ponlop of Tongsa (the latter acted on behalf of
the druk desi), but Bhutan rejected the peace and friendship
treaty it offered. Britain declared war in November 1864. Bhutan had no
regular army, and what forces existed were composed of dzong
guards armed with matchlocks, bows and arrows, swords, knives, and
catapults. Some of these dzong guards, carrying shields and
wearing chainmail armor, engaged the well-equipped British forces.
The Duar War (1864-65) lasted only five months and, despite some
battlefield victories by Bhutanese forces, resulted in Bhutan's defeat,
loss of part of its sovereign territory, and forced cession of formerly
occupied territories. Under the terms of the Treaty of Sinchula, signed
on November 11, 1865, Bhutan ceded territories in the Assam Duars and
Bengal Duars, as well as the eighty-three-square-kilometer territory of
Dewangiri in southeastern Bhutan, in return for an annual subsidy of
50,000 rupees.
In the 1870s and 1880s, renewed competition among regional
rivals--primarily the pro-British ponlop of Tongsa and the
anti-British, pro-Tibetan ponlop of Paro--resulted in the
ascendancy of Ugyen Wangchuck, the ponlop of Tongsa. From his
power base in central Bhutan, Ugyen Wangchuck had defeated his political
enemies and united the country following several civil wars and
rebellions in 1882-85. His victory came at a time of crisis for the
central government, however. British power was becoming more extensive
to the south, and in the west Tibet had violated its border with Sikkim,
incurring British disfavor. After 1,000 years of close ties with Tibet,
Bhutan faced the threat of British military power and was forced to make
serious geopolitical decisions. The British, seeking to offset potential
Russian advances in Lhasa, wanted to open trade relations with Tibet.
Ugyen Wangchuck saw the opportunity to assist the British and in 1903-4
volunteered to accompany a British mission to Lhasa as a mediator. For
his services in securing the Anglo-Tibetan Convention of 1904, Ugyen
Wangchuck was knighted and thereafter continued to accrue greater power
in Bhutan.
Bhutan - Establishment of the Hereditary Monarchy, 1907
Ugyen Wangchuck's emergence as the national leader coincided with the
realization that the dual political system was obsolete and ineffective.
He had removed his chief rival, the ponlop of Paro, and
installed a supporter and relative, a member of the pro-British Dorji
family, in his place. When the last shabdrung died in 1903 and
a reincarnation had not appeared by 1906, civil administration came
under the control of Ugyen Wangchuck. Finally, in 1907, the fifty-fourth
and last druk desi was forced to retire, and despite
recognitions of subsequent reincarnations of Ngawang Namgyal, the shabdrung
system came to an end.
In November 1907, an assembly of leading Buddhist monks, government
officials, and heads of important families was held to end the moribund
300-year-old dual system of government and to establish a new absolute
monarchy. Ugyen Wangchuck was elected its first hereditary Druk Gyalpo
(Dragon King, reigned 1907-26). The Dorji family became hereditary holders of
the position of gongzim (chief chamberlain), the top government
post. The British, wanting political stability on their northern
frontier, approved of the entire development.
Britain's earlier entreaties in Lhasa had unexpected repercussions at
this time. The China, concerned that Britain would seize Tibet, invaded
Tibet in 1910 and asserted political authority. In the face of the
Chinese military occupation, the Dalai Lama fled to India. China laid
claim not only to Tibet but also to Bhutan, Nepal, and Sikkim. With
these events, BhutaneseBritish interests coalesced.
A new Bhutanese-British agreement, the Treaty of Punakha, was signed
on January 8, 1910. It amended two articles of the 1865 treaty: the
British agreed to double their annual stipend to 100,000 rupees and
"to exercise no interference in the internal administration of
Bhutan." In turn, Bhutan agreed "to be guided by the advice of
the British Government in regard to its external relations." The
Treaty of Punakha guaranteed Bhutan's defense against China; China, in
no position to contest British power, conceded the end of the
millennium-long Tibetan-Chinese influence.
Much of Bhutan's modern development has been attributed by Bhutanese
historians to the first Druk Gyalpo. Internal reforms included
introducing Western-style schools, improving internal communications,
encouraging trade and commerce with India, and revitalizing the Buddhist
monastic system. Toward the end of his life, Ugyen Wangchuck was
concerned about the continuity of the family dynasty, and in 1924 he
sought British assurance that the Wangchuck family would retain its
preeminent position in Bhutan. His request led to an investigation of
the legal status of Bhutan vis-à-vis the suzerainty held over Bhutan by
Britain and the ambiguity of Bhutan's relationship to India. Both the
suzerainty and the ambiguity were maintained.
Bhutan - Development of Centralized Government, 1926-52
Ugyen Wangchuck died in 1926 and was succeeded by his son, Jigme
Wangchuck (reigned 1926-52). The second Druk Gyalpo continued his
father's centralization and modernization efforts and built more
schools, dispensaries, and roads. During Jigme Wangchuck's reign,
monasteries and district governments were increasingly brought under
royal control. However, Bhutan generally remained isolated from
international affairs.
The issue of Bhutan's status vis-à-vis the government of India (was
Bhutan a state of India or did it enjoy internal sovereignty?) was
reexamined by London in 1932 as part of the issue of the status of India
itself. It was decided to leave the decision to join an Indian
federation up to Bhutan when the time came. When British rule over India
ended in 1947, so too did Britain's association with Bhutan. India
succeeded Britain as the de facto protector of the Himalayan kingdom,
and Bhutan retained control over its internal government. It was two
years, however, before a formal agreement recognized Bhutan's
independence.
Following the precedent set by the Treaty of Punakha, on August 8,
1949, Thimphu signed the Treaty of Friendship Between the Government of
India and the Government of Bhutan, according to which external affairs,
formerly guided by Britain, were to be guided by India. Like Britain,
India agreed not to interfere in Bhutan's internal affairs. India also
agreed to increase the annual subsidy to 500,000 rupees per year.
Important to Bhutan's national pride was the return of Dewangiri. Some
historians believe that if India had been at odds with China at this
time, as it was to be a decade later, it might not have acceded so
easily to Bhutan's request for independent status.
Bhutan - Modernization under Jigme Dorji, 1952-72
The third Druk Gyalpo, Jigme Dorji Wangchuck, was enthroned in 1952.
Earlier he had married the European-educated cousin of the chogyal
(king) of Sikkim and with her support made continual efforts to
modernize his nation throughout his twenty-year reign. Among his first
reforms was the establishment of the National Assembly--the Tshogdu--in
1953. Although the Druk Gyalpo could issue royal decrees and exercise
veto power over resolutions passed by the National Assembly, its
establishment was a major move toward a constitutional monarchy.
When the Chinese communists took over Tibet in 1951, Bhutan closed
its frontier with Tibet and sided with its powerful neighbor to the
south. To offset the chance of Chinese encroachment, Bhutan began a
modernization program. Land reform was accompanied by the abolition of
slavery and serfdom and the separation of the judiciary from the
executive branch of government. Mostly funded by India after China's
invasion of Tibet in 1959, the modernization program also included the
construction of roads linking the Indian plains with central Bhutan. An
all-weather road was completed in 1962 between Thimphu and Phuntsholing,
the overland gateway town on the southwest border with India. Dzongkha
was made the national language during Jigme Dorji's reign. Additionally, development projects included
establishing such institutions as a national museum in Paro and a
national library, national archives, and national stadium, as well as
buildings to house the National Assembly, the High Court (Thrimkhang
Gongma), and other government entities in Thimphu. The position of gongzim,
held since 1907 by the Dorji family, was upgraded in 1958 to lonchen
(prime minister) and was still in the hands of the Dorji. Jigme Dorji
Wangchuck's reforms, however, although lessening the authority of the
absolute monarchy, also curbed the traditional decentralization of
political authority among regional leaders and strengthened the role of
the central government in economic and social programs.
Modernization efforts moved forward in the 1960s under the direction
of the lonchen, Jigme Palden Dorji, the Druk Gyalpo's
brother-in-law. In 1962, however, Dorji incurred disfavor with the Royal
Bhutan Army over the use of military vehicles and the forced retirement
of some fifty officers. Religious elements also were antagonized by
Dorji's efforts to reduce the power of the state-supported religious
institutions. In April 1964, while the Druk Gyalpo was in Switzerland
for medical care, Dorji was assassinated in Phuntsholing by an army
corporal. The majority of those arrested and accused of the crime were
military personnel and included the army chief of operations, Namgyal
Bahadur, the Druk Gyalpo's uncle, who was executed for his part in the
plot.
The unstable situation continued under Dorji's successor as acting lonchen,
his brother Lhendup Dorji, and for a time under the Druk Gyalpo's
brother, Namgyal Wangchuck, as head of the army. According to some
sources, a power struggle ensued between pro-Wangchuck loyalists and
"modernist" Dorji supporters. The main issue was not an end to
or lessening of the power of the monarchy but "full freedom from
Indian interference." Other observers believe the 1964 crisis was
not so much a policy struggle as competition for influence on the palace
between the Dorji family and the Druk Gyalpo's Tibetan mistress, Yangki,
and her father. Nevertheless, with the concurrence of the National
Assembly, Lhendup Dorji and other family members were exiled in 1965.
The tense political situation continued, however, with an assassination
attempt on the Druk Gyalpo himself in July 1965. The Dorjis were not
implicated in the attempt, and the would-be assassins were pardoned by
the Druk Gyalpo.
In 1966, to increase the efficiency of government administration,
Jigme Dorji Wangchuck made Thimphu the year-round capital. In May 1968,
the comprehensive Rules and Regulations of the National Assembly revised
the legal basis of the power granted to the National Assembly. The Druk
Gyalpo decreed that henceforth sovereign power, including the power to
remove government ministers and the Druk Gyalpo himself, would reside
with the National Assembly. The following November, the Druk Gyalpo
renounced his veto power over National Assembly bills and said he would
step down if two-thirds of the legislature passed a no-confidence vote.
Although he did nothing to undermine the retention of the Wangchuck
dynasty, the Druk Gyalpo in 1969 called for a triennial vote of
confidence by the National Assembly (later abolished by his successor)
to renew the Druk Gyalpo's mandate to rule.
Diplomatic overtures also were made during Jigme Dorji Wangchuck's
reign. Although always seeking to be formally neutral and nonaligned in
relations with China and India, Bhutan also sought more direct links
internationally than had occurred previously under the foreign-policy
guidance of India. Consequently, in 1962 Bhutan joined the Colombo
Plan for Cooperative, Economic, and Social Development in Asia and the
Pacific known as the Colombo Plan, and in 1966
notified India of its desire to become a member of the United Nations
(UN). In 1971 after holding observer status for three years, Bhutan was
admitted to the UN. In an effort to maintain Bhutan as a stable buffer
state, India continued to provide substantial amounts of development
aid.
Jigme Dorji Wangchuck ruled until his death in July 1972 and was
succeeded by his seventeen-year-old son, Jigme Singye Wangchuck. The
close ties of the Wangchuck and Dorji families were reemphasized in the
person of the new king, whose mother, Ashi Kesang Dorji (ashi
means princess), was the sister of the lonchen, Jigme Palden
Dorji. Jigme Singye Wangchuck, who had been educated in India and
Britain, had been appointed ponlop of Tongsa in May 1972 and by
July that year had become the Druk Gyalpo. With his mother and two elder
sisters as advisers, the new Druk Gyalpo was thrust into the affairs of
state. He was often seen among the people, in the countryside, at
festivals, and, as his reign progressed, meeting with foreign
dignitaries in Bhutan and abroad. His formal coronation took place in
June 1974, and soon thereafter the strains between the Wangchucks and
Dorjis were relieved with the return that year of the exiled members of
the latter family. The reconciliation, however, was preceded by reports
of a plot to assassinate the new Druk Gyalpo before his coronation could
take place and to set fire to the Tashichhodzong (Fortress of the
Glorious Religion, the seat of government in Thimphu). Yangki was the
alleged force behind the plot, which was uncovered three months before
the coronation; thirty persons were arrested, including high government
and police officials.
Bhutan - Entering the Outside World, 1972-86
The Land
Landlocked Bhutan is situated in the eastern Himalayas and is mostly
mountainous and heavily forested. It is bordered for 470 kilometers by
Tibet (China's Xizang Autonomous Region) to the north and northwest and
for 605 kilometers by India's states of Sikkim to the west, West Bengal
to the southwest, Assam to the south and southeast, and Arunachal
Pradesh (formerly the North-East Frontier Agency) to the east. Sikkim,
an eighty-eight-kilometer-wide territory, divides Bhutan from Nepal,
while West Bengal separates Bhutan from Bangladesh by only sixty
kilometers. At its longest east-west dimension, Bhutan stretches around
300 kilometers; it measures 170 kilometers at its maximum north-south
dimension, forming a total of 46,500 square kilometers, an area
one-third the size of Nepal. In the mid-1980s, about 70 percent of
Bhutan was covered with forests; 10 percent was covered with year-round
snow and glaciers; nearly 6 percent was permanently cultivated or used
for human habitation; another 3 percent was used for shifting
cultivation (tsheri), a practice banned by the government; and
5 percent was used as meadows and pastures. The rest of the land was
either barren rocky areas or scrubland.
Early British visitors to Bhutan reported "dark and steep glens,
and the high tops of mountains lost in the clouds, constitut[ing]
altogether a scene of extraordinary magnificence and sublimity."
One of the most rugged mountain terrains in the world, it has elevations
ranging from 160 meters to more than 7,000 meters above sea level, in
some cases within distances of less than 100 kilometers of each other.
Bhutan's highest peak, at 7,554 meters above sea level, is north-central
Kulha Gangri, close to the border with China; the second highest peak,
Chomo Lhari, overlooking the Chumbi Valley in the west, is 7,314 meters
above sea level; nineteen other peaks exceed 7,000 meters.
In the north, the snowcapped Great Himalayan Range reaches heights of
over 7,500 meters above sea level and extends along the Bhutan-China
border. The northern region consists of an arc of glaciated mountain
peaks with an arctic climate at the highest elevations. Watered by
snow-fed rivers, alpine valleys in this region provide pasturage for
livestock tended by a sparse population of migratory shepherds.
The Inner Himalayas are southward spurs of the Great Himayalan Range.
The Black Mountains, in central Bhutan, form a watershed between two
major river systems, the Mo Chhu and the Drangme Chhu (chhu
means river). Peaks in the Black Mountains range between 1,500 meters
and 2,700 meters above sea level, and the fast-flowing rivers have
carved out spectacular gorges in the lower mountain areas. The woodlands
of the central region provide most of Bhutan's valuable forest
production. Eastern Bhutan is divided by another southward spur, the
Donga Range. Western Bhutan has fertile, cultivated valleys and terraced
river basins.
In the south, the Southern Hills, or Siwalik Hills, the foothills of
the Himalayas, are covered with dense deciduous forest, alluvial lowland
river valleys, and mountains that reach to around 1,500 meters above sea
level. The foothills descend into the subtropical Duars Plain. Most of
the Duars Plain proper is located in India, and ten to fifteen
kilometers penetrate inside Bhutan. The Bhutan Duars has two parts. The
northern Duars, which abuts the Himalayan foothills, has rugged,
slopping terrain and dry porous soil with dense vegetation and abundant
wildlife. The southern Duars has moderately fertile soil, heavy savanna
grass, dense mixed jungle, and freshwater springs. Taken as a whole, the
Duars provides the greatest amount of fertile flatlands in Bhutan. Rice
and other crops are grown on the plains and mountainsides up to 1,200
meters. Bhutan's most important commercial centers-- Phuntsholing,
Geylegphug, and Samdrup Jongkhar--are located in the Duars, reflecting
the meaning of the name, which is derived from the Hindi dwar
and means gateway. Rhinoceros, tigers, leopards, elephants, and other
wildlife inhabit the region.
<>Climate
affected by monsoons that bring between 60 and 90 percent of the
region's rainfall. The climate is humid and subtropical in the southern
plains and foothills, temperate in the inner Himalayan valleys of the
southern and central regions, and cold in the north, with year-round
snow on the main Himalayan summits.
Temperatures vary according to elevation. Temperatures in Thimphu,
located at 2,200 meters above sea level in west-central Bhutan, range
from approximately 15° C to 26° C during the monsoon season of June
through September but drop to between about -4° C and 16° C in January. Most of the central portion of the country
experiences a cool, temperate climate yearround . In the south, a hot,
humid climate helps maintain a fairly even temperature range of between
15° C and 30° C year-round, although temperatures sometimes reach 40°
C in the valleys during the summer.
Annual precipitation ranges widely in various parts of the country.
In the severe climate of the north, there is only about forty
millimeters of annual precipitation--primarily snow. In the temperate
central regions, a yearly average of around 1,000 millimeters is more
common, and 7,800 millimeters per year has been registered at some
locations in the humid, subtropical south, ensuring the thick tropical
forest, or savanna. Thimphu experiences dry winter months (December
through February) and almost no precipitation until March, when rainfall
averages 20 millimeters a month and increases steadily thereafter to a
high of 220 millimeters in August for a total annual rainfall of nearly
650 millimeters.
Bhutan's generally dry spring starts in early March and lasts until
mid-April. Summer weather commences in mid-April with occasional showers
and continues through the premonsoon rains of late June. The summer
monsoon lasts from late June through late September with heavy rains
from the southwest. The monsoon weather, blocked from its northward
progress by the Himalayas, brings heavy rains, high humidity, flash
floods and landslides, and numerous misty, overcast days. Autumn, from
late September or early October to late November, follows the rainy
season. It is characterized by bright, sunny days and some early
snowfalls at higher elevations. From late November until March, winter
sets in, with frost throughout much of the country and snowfall common
above elevations of 3,000 meters. The winter northeast monsoon brings
gale-force winds down through high mountain passes, giving Bhutan its
name-- Drukyul, which in the Dzongkha language mean Land of the Thunder
Dragon.
Bhutan - River Systems
Size, Structure, and Settlement Patterns
When Bhutan's first national census was conducted in 1969, the
population officially stood at 930,614 persons. Before 1969 population
estimates had ranged between 300,000 and 800,000 people. The 1969 census
has been criticized as inaccurate. By the time the 1980 census was held,
the population reportedly had increased to approximately 1,165,000
persons. The results of the 1988 census had not been released as of
1991, but preliminary government projections in 1988 set the total
population at 1,375,400 persons, whereas UN estimates stood at 1,451,000
people in 1988. Other foreign projections put the population at
1,598,216 persons in July 1991. It is likely, however, that Bhutan's
real population was less than 1 million and probably as little as
600,000 in 1990. Moreover, the government itself began to use the figure
of "about 600,000 citizens" in late 1990.
The annual growth rate in 1990 was 2 percent. Although the wide
variation in population size makes all projections flawed, experts
believe that the population growth rate is valid. The birth rate was 37
per 1,000, and the death rate was 17 per 1,000. In 1988 UN experts had
estimated Bhutan would have a population of 1.9 million by 2000 and 3
million by 2025. The average annual population growth rate was estimated
at 1.9 percent during the period from 1965 to 1970 and 1.8 percent
during the period 1980 to 1985. Rates of change were projected to
increase to 2.1 percent by 1990 and 2.3 percent by 2000 and to decrease
to 1.41 percent by 2025. Total fertility rates (the average number of
children born during a woman's reproductive years) have declined since
the 1950s, however. The rate stood at 6.0 in 1955 and 5.5 in 1985 and
was expected to decline to 3.7 by 2005 and 2.5 by 2025. The infant
mortality rate was the highest in South Asia in 1990: 137 deaths per
1,000 live births. Despite the declining population growth most of
Bhutan's people were young. By the late 1980s, 45 percent of the
population was under fifteen years of age. However, the greater number
of female infant deaths resulted in one of the world's lowest malefemale
ratios (97.2 females to 100 males).
Life expectancy at birth had increased significantly since the 1950s,
when it stood at only 36.3 years. By the early 1980s, life expectancy
had reached 45.9 years. In 1989 the UN projected that life expectancy at
birth in Bhutan would reach 55.5 years by 2005 and 61.8 years by 2025,
still low compared with other South Asian countries and with the other
least developed nations of the world.
Overall population density was thirty-one persons per square
kilometer in the late 1980s, but because of the rugged terrain
distribution was more dense in settled areas. The regions in the
southern Duars valleys and eastern Bhutan around the fertile Tashigang
Valley were the most populous areas. As was common among the least
developed nations, there was a trend, albeit small, toward urbanization.
Whereas in 1970 only 3 percent of the population lived in urban
settings, the percentage had increased to 5 percent in 1985. UN
specialists projected the urban population would reach 8 percent by
2000. With the exception of Tuvalu, Bhutan had the lowest urban
population of any country among the forty-one least developed nations of
the world.
Thimphu, the capital, the largest urban area, had a population of
27,000 persons in 1990. Most employed residents of Thimphu, some 2,860
in 1990, were government employees. Another 2,200 persons worked in
private businesses and cottage industries. The city advanced toward
modernization in 1987 with the installation of meters to regulate water
consumption, the naming of its streets, and the erection of street
signs. The only other urban area with a population of more than 10,000
residents was Phuntsholing in Chhukha District.
<>Ethnic Groups
Bhutan's society is made up of four broad but not necessarily
exclusive groups: the Ngalop, the Sharchop, several aboriginal peoples,
and Nepalese. The Ngalop (a term thought to mean the earliest risen or
first converted) are people of Tibetan origin who migrated to Bhutan as
early as the ninth century. For this reason, they are often referred to
in foreign literature as Bhote (people of Bhotia or Tibet). The Ngalop
are concentrated in western and northern districts. They introduced
Tibetan culture and Buddhism to Bhutan and comprised the dominant
political and cultural element in modern Bhutan.
The Sharchop (the word means easterner), an Indo-Mongoloid people who
are thought to have migrated from Assam or possibly Burma during the
past millennium, comprise most of the population of eastern Bhutan.
Although long the biggest ethnic group in Bhutan, the Sharchop have been
largely assimilated into the Tibetan-Ngalop culture. Because of their
proximity to India, some speak Assamese or Hindi. They practice
slash-and-burn and tsheri agriculture, planting dry rice crops
for three or four years until the soil is exhausted and then moving on.
The third group consists of small aboriginal or indigenous tribal
peoples living in scattered villages throughout Bhutan. Culturally and
linguistically part of the populations of West Bengal or Assam, they
embrace the Hindu system of endogamous groups ranked by hierarchy and
practice wet-rice and dry-rice agriculture. They include the Drokpa,
Lepcha, and Doya tribes as well as the descendants of slaves who were
brought to Bhutan from similar tribal areas in India. The ex-slave
communities tended to be near traditional population centers because it
was there that they had been pressed into service to the state.
Together, the Ngalop, Sharchop, and tribal groups were thought to
constitute up to 72 percent of the population in the late 1980s.
The remaining 28 percent of the population were of Nepalese origin.
Officially, the government stated that 28 percent of the national
population was Nepalese in the late 1980s, but unofficial estimates ran
as high as 30 to 40 percent, and Nepalese were estimated to constitute a
majority in southern Bhutan. The number of legal permanent Nepalese
residents in the late 1980s may have been as few as 15 percent of the
total population, however. The first small groups of Nepalese, the most
recent major groups to arrive in Bhutan, emigrated primarily from
eastern Nepal under Indian auspices in the late nineteenth and early
twentieth centuries. Mostly Hindus, the Nepalese settled in the southern
foothills and are sometimes referred to as southern Bhutanese.
Traditionally, they have been involved mostly in sedentary agriculture,
although some have cleared forest cover and conducted tsheri
agriculture. The most divisive issue in Bhutan in the 1980s and early
1990s was the accommodation of the Nepalese Hindu minority. The
government traditionally attempted to limit immigration and restrict
residence and employment of Nepalese to the southern region.
Liberalization measures in the 1970s and 1980s encouraged intermarriage
and provided increasing opportunities for public service. More
in-country migration by Nepalese seeking better education and business
opportunities was allowed.
Bhutan also had a sizable modern Tibetan refugee population, which
stood at 10,000 persons in 1987. The major influx of 6,000 persons came
in 1959 in the wake of the Chinese army's invasion and occupation of
Tibet. The Tibetan expatriates became only partially integrated into
Bhutanese society, however, and many were unwilling to accept
citizenship. Perceiving a lack of allegiance to the state on the part of
Tibetans, the government decided in 1979 to expel to India those who
refused citizenship. India, after some reluctance, acceded to the move
and accepted more than 3,100 Tibetans between 1980 and 1985. Another
4,200 Tibetans requested and received Bhutanese citizenship. Although
Bhutan traditionally welcomed refugees--and still accepted a few new
ones fleeing the 1989 imposition of martial law in Tibet--government
policy in the late 1980s was to refuse more Tibetan refugees.
Bhutan.
Bhutanese speak one or more of four major, mutually unintelligible
languages. Traditionally, public and private communications, religious
materials, and official documents were written in chhokey, the
classical Tibetan script, and a Bhutanese adaptive cursive script was
developed for correspondence. In modern times, as in the past, chhokey,
which exists only in written form, was understood only by the well
educated. The official national language, Dzongkha (language of the dzong),
has developed since the seventeenth century. A sophisticated form of the
Tibetan dialect spoken by Ngalop villagers in western Bhutan, it is
based primarily on the vernacular speech of the Punakha Valley. In its
written form, Dzongkha uses an adaptive cursive script based on chhokey
to express the Ngalop spoken language. Ngalopkha is spoken in six
regional dialects with variations from valley to valley and village to
village; Dzongkha, however, through vigorous government education
programs, was becoming widely understood throughout Bhutan by the 1970s.
The other languages include Sharchopkha, or Tsangla, a Mon language
spoken in eastern districts; Bumthangkha, an aboriginal Khen language
spoken in central Bhutan; and Nepali, or Lhotsam, predominantly spoken
in the south. Seven other Khen and Mon languages also are spoken in
Bhutan. Hindi is understood among Bhutanese educated in India and was
the language of instruction in the schools at Ha and Bumthang in the
early 1930s as well as in the first schools in the "formal"
education system from the beginning of the 1960s.
Along with Dzongkha and English, Nepali was once one of the three
official languages used in Bhutan. Dzongkha was taught in grades one
through twelve in the 1980s. English was widely understood and was the
medium of instruction in secondary and higher-level schools. Starting in
the 1980s, college-level textbooks in Dzongkha were published, and in
1988 a proposal was made to standardize Dzongkha script. Sharchopkha,
Bumthangkha, and Nepali also were used in primary schools in areas where
speakers of those languages predominated. In 1989, however, Nepali was
dropped from school curricula.
Part of the government's effort to preserve traditional culture and
to strengthen the contemporary sense of national identity (driglam
namzha--national customs and etiquette) has been its emphasis on
Dzongkha-language study. The Department of Education declared in 1979
that because Dzongkha was the national language, it was "the
responsibility of each and every Bhutanese to learn Dzongkha." To
aid in language study, the department also published a Dzongkha
dictionary in 1986.
Bhutan.
Bhutan's traditional society has been defined as both patriarchal and
matriarchal, and the member held in highest esteem served as the
family's head. Bhutan also has been described as feudalistic and
characterized by the absence of strong social stratification. In
premodern times, there were three broad classes: the monastic community,
the leadership of which was the nobility; lay civil servants who ran the
government apparatus; and farmers, the largest class, living in
self-sufficient villages. In the more militaristic premodern era, Bhutan
also had an underclass of prisoners of war and their descendants, who
were generally treated as serfs or even as slaves. In modern times,
society was organized around joint family units, and a class division
existed based on occupation and, in time, social status. With the
introduction of foreign practices in recent centuries and increasing job
mobility outside the village, however, emphasis has been placed on
nuclear family units.
Social status is based on a family's economic station. Except among
the Hindu Nepalese in southern Bhutan, there was no caste system.
Although Bhutanese were endogamous by tradition, modern practices and
even royal decrees encouraged ethnic integration in the late twentieth
century. Primogeniture dictated the right of inheritance traditionally,
although in some central areas the eldest daughter was the lawful
successor. In contemporary Bhutan, however, inheritance came to be more
equally distributed among all children of a family.
Except for the royal family and a few other noble families, Bhutanese
do not have surnames. Individuals normally have two names, but neither
is considered a family name or a surname. Some people adopt their
village name, occasionally in abbreviated form, as part of their name,
using it before their given name. Wives keep their own names, and
children frequently have names unconnected to either parent. Some
individuals educated abroad have taken their last name as a surname,
however. A system of titles, depending on age, degree of familiarity,
and social or official status, denotes ranks and relationships among
members of society. The title dasho, for example, is an
honorific used by a prince of the royal house, a commoner who marries a
princess, a nephew of the Druk Gyalpo, a deputy minister, other senior
government officials, and others in positions of authority.
Although adherents of Buddhism, Bhutanese are not vegetarians and
occasionally eat beef, especially in western Bhutan. Pork, poultry, goat
and yak meat, and fish are consumed on a limited scale. Rice and
increasingly corn are staples. Despite a scarcity of milk, dairy
products, such as yak cheese and yak cheese byproducts, are part of the
diet of upland people. Meat soups, rice or corn, and curries spiced with
chilies comprise daily menus; beverages include buttered tea and beer
distilled from cereals. Wild vegetation, such as young ferns, also is
harvested for table food.
Traditional clothing still was commonly worn in the early 1990s, and,
indeed, its use was fostered by government decree. Women wore the kira,
an ankle-length dress made of a rectangular piece of cloth held at the
shoulders with a clip and closed with a woven belt at the waist, over a
long-sleeved blouse. Social status was indicated by the amount of
decorative details and colors of the kira and the quality of
the cloth used. Men wore the gho, a wraparound, coatlike,
knee-length garment, with a narrow belt. Both men and women sometimes
wore elaborate earrings, and both sexes also wore scarves or shawls,
white for commoners and carefully specified colors, designs, and manners
of folding for higher ranking individuals. Only the Druk Gyalpo and the
Je Khenpo were allowed to wear the honorific saffron scarf. Other
officials were distinguished by the color of the scarves they wore:
orange for ministers and deputy ministers, blue for National Assembly
and Royal Advisory Council members, and red or maroon for high religious
and civil officials, district officers, and judges (anyone holding the
title of dasho). Stripes on scarves of the same base color
denoted greater or lesser ranks.
Bhutan - Marriage and Family Life
The traditional practice, arranged marriages based on family and
ethnic ties, has been replaced in the late twentieth century with
marriages based on mutual affection. Marriages were usually arranged by
the partners in contemporary Bhutan, and the minimum age was sixteen for
women and twenty-one for men. The institution of child marriage, once
relatively widespread, had largely declined as Bhutan modernized, and
there were only remnants of the practice in the late twentieth century.
Interethnic marriages, once forbidden, were encouraged in the late 1980s
by an incentive of a Nu10,000 government stipend to willing couples. The
stipend was discontinued in 1991, however. Marriages of Bhutanese
citizens to foreigners, however, have been discouraged. Bhutanese with
foreign spouses were not allowed to obtain civil service positions and
could have their government scholarships cancelled and be required to
repay portions already received. Foreign spouses were not entitled to
citizenship by right but had to apply for naturalization.
Polyandry was abolished and polygamy was restricted in the
midtwentieth century, but the law in the 1990s still allowed a man as
many as three wives, providing he had the first wife's permission. The
first wife also had the power to sue for divorce and alimony if she did
not agree. In the 1980s, divorce was common, and new laws provided
better benefits to women seeking alimony.
Family life, both traditionally and in the contemporary period, was
likely to provide for a fair amount of self-sufficiency. Families, for
example, often made their own clothing, bedding, floor and seat covers,
tablecloths, and decorative items for daily and religious use. Wool was
the primary material, but domestic silk and imported cotton were also
used in weaving colorful cloth, often featuring elaborate geometric,
floral, and animal designs. Although weaving was normally done by women
of all ages using family-owned looms, monks sometimes did embroidery and
appliqué work. In the twentieth century, weaving was possibly as
predominant a feature of daily life as it was at the time of Bhutan's
unification in the seventeenth century.
Landholdings varied depending on the wealth and size of individual
families, but most families had as much land as they could farm using
traditional techniques. A key element of family life was the
availability of labor. Thus, the choice of the home of newlyweds was
determined by which parental unit had the greatest need of supplemental
labor. If both families had a sufficient supply of labor, then a bride
and groom might elect to set up their own home.
Bhutan - Role of Women
Although officially the government has encouraged greater
participation of women in political and administrative life, male
members of the traditional aristocracy dominate the social system.
Economic development has increased opportunities for women to
participate in fields such as medicine, both as physicians and nurses;
teaching; and administration. By 1989 nearly 10 percent of government
employees were women, and the top civil service examination graduate in
1989 was a woman. During their government careers, women civil servants
were allowed three months maternity leave with full pay for three
deliveries and leave without pay for any additional deliveries.
Reflecting the dominance of males in society, girls were outnumbered
three to two in primary and secondary-level schools.
Women in the 1980s played a significant role in the agricultural work
force, where they outnumbered men, who were leaving for the service
sector and other urban industrial and commercial activities. In the
mid-1980s, 95 percent of all Bhutanese women from the ages of fifteen to
sixty-four years were involved in agricultural work, compared with only
78 percent of men in the same age range. Foreign observers have noted
that women shared equally with men in farm labor. Overall, women were
providing more labor than men in all sectors of the economy. Less than 4
percent of the total female work force was unemployed, compared with
nearly 10 percent of men who had no occupation.
The government founded the National Women's Association of Bhutan in
1981 primarily to improve the socioeconomic status of women,
particularly those in rural areas. The association, at its inaugural
session, declared that it would not push for equal rights for women
because the women of Bhutan had already come to "enjoy equal status
with men politically, economically, and socially." To give
prominence to the association, the Druk Gyalpo's sister, Ashi Sonam
Chhoden Wangchuck, was appointed its president. Starting in 1985, the
association became a line item in the government budget and was funded
at Nu2.4 million in fiscal year 1992. The association has organized
annual beauty contests featuring traditional arts and culture, fostered
training in health and hygiene, distributed yarn and vegetable seeds,
and introduced smokeless stoves in villages.
Bhutan - Housing
Mahayana Buddhism was the state religion, and Buddhists comprised
about 70 percent of the population in the early 1990s. Although
originating from Tibetan Buddhism, Bhutanese Buddhism differs
significantly in its rituals, liturgy, and monastic organization. The
state religion has long been supported financially by the government
through annual subsidies to monasteries, shrines, monks, and nuns. In
the modern era, support of the state religion during the reign of Jigme
Dorji Wangchuck included the manufacture of 10,000 gilded bronze images
of the Buddha, publication of elegant calligraphied editions of the 108-
volume Kanjur (Collection of the Words of the Buddha) and the
225-volume Tenjur (Collection of Commentaries), and the
construction of numerous chorten (stupas) throughout the
country. Guaranteed representation in the National Assembly and the
Royal Advisory Council, Buddhists constituted the majority of society
and were assured an influential voice in public policy.
In 1989 some 1,000 monks (lam, or gelong, novices)
belonged to the Central Monastic Body in Thimphu and Punakha, and some
4,000 monks belonged to district monastic bodies. The hierarchy was
headed by the Je Khenpo, who was assisted by four lonpon or
masters, each in charge of religious tradition, liturgy, lexicography,
or logic. The lonpon, one of whom, the Dorji Lonpon, normally
succeeded the current Je Khenpo, had under them religious administrators
and junior monastic officials in charge of art, music, and other areas.
Gelugpa monks were celibate, but Nyingmapa monks were not so restricted
and could marry, raise families, and work in secular occupations while
performing liturgical functions in temples and homes. In all, there were
some 12,000 monks in Bhutan in the late 1980s. There were also active
congregations of nuns, but no figures were readily available.
The majority of Bhutan's Buddhists are adherents of the Drukpa
subsect of the Kargyupa (literally, oral transmission) school, one of
the four major schools of Tibetan Buddhism, which is itself a
combination of the Theravada (monastic), Mahayana (messianic), and
Tantrayana (apocalyptic) forms of Buddhism. Tibetan Buddhism holds that
salvation can be achieved through the intercession of compassionate
bodhisattvas (enlightened ones) who have delayed their own entry into a
state of nibbana, or nirvana, enlightenment and selfless bliss, to save
others. Emphasis is put on the doctrine of the cosmic Buddha, of whom
the historical Buddha--Siddhartha Gautama (ca. 563-ca. 483 B.C.)--was
only one of many manifestations. Bodhisattvas are in practice treated
more as deities than as enlightened human beings and occupy the center
of a richly polytheistic universe of subordinate deities; opposing,
converted, and reformed demons; wandering ghosts; and saintly humans
that reflects the shamanistic folk religion of the regions into which
Buddhism expanded. Tantrism contributed esoteric techniques of
meditation and a repertoire of sacred icons, phrases, gestures, and
rituals that easily lent themselves to practical (rather than
transcendental) and magical interpretation.
The Kargyupa school was introduced into Tibet from India and into
Bhutan from Tibet in the eleventh century. The central teaching of the
Kargyupa school is meditation on mahamudra (Sanskrit for great
seal), a concept tying the realization of emptiness to freedom from
reincarnation. Also central to the Kargyupa school are the dharma (laws
of nature, all that exists, real or imaginary), which consist of six
Tantric meditative practices teaching bodily self-control so as to
achieve nirvana. One of the key aspects of the Kargyupa school is the
direct transmission of the tenets of the faith from teacher to disciple.
The Drukpa subsect, which grew out of one of the four Kargyupa sects,
was the preeminent religious belief in Bhutan by the end of the twelfth
century.
Monasteries and convents were common throughout Bhutan in the late
twentieth century. Both monks and nuns kept their heads shaved and wore
distinguishing maroon robes. Their days were spent in study and
meditation but also in the performance of rituals honoring various
bodhisattvas, praying for the dead, and seeking divine intercession on
behalf of the ill. Some of their prayers involved chants and singing
accompanied by conch shell trumpets, thighbone trumpets (made from human
thighbones), metal horns up to three meters long, large standing drums
and cymbals, hand bells, temple bells, gongs, and wooden sticks. Such
monastic music and singing, not normally heard by the general public,
has been reported to have "great virility" and to be more
melodious than its Tibetan monotone counterparts.
To bring Buddhism to the people, numerous symbols and structures are
employed. Religious monuments, prayer walls, prayer flags, and sacred
mantras carved in stone hillsides were prevalent in the early 1990s.
Among the religious monuments are chorten, the Bhutanese
version of the Indian stupa. They range from simple rectangular
"house" chorten to complex edifices with ornate
steps, doors, domes, and spires. Some are decorated with the Buddha's
eyes that see in all directions simultaneously. These earth, brick, or
stone structures commemorate deceased kings, Buddhist saints, venerable
monks, and other notables, and sometimes they serve as reliquaries.
Prayer walls are made of laid or piled stone and inscribed with Tantric
prayers. Prayers printed with woodblocks on cloth are made into tall,
narrow, colorful prayer flags, which are then mounted on long poles and
placed both at holy sites and at dangerous locations to ward off demons
and to benefit the spirits of the dead. To help propagate the faith,
itinerant monks travel from village to village carrying portable shrines
with many small doors, which open to reveal statues and images of the
Buddha, bodhisattavas, and notable lamas.
Bhutan - Bon
Western-style education was introduced to Bhutan during the reign of
Ugyen Wangchuck (1907-26). Until the 1950s, the only formal education
available to Bhutanese students, except for private schools in Ha and
Bumthang, was through Buddhist monasteries. In the 1950s, several
private secular schools were established without government support, and
several others were established in major district towns with government
backing. By the late 1950s, there were twenty-nine government and thirty
private primary schools, but only about 2,500 children were enrolled.
Secondary education was available only in India. Eventually, the private
schools were taken under government supervision to raise the quality of
education provided. Although some primary schools in remote areas had to
be closed because of low attendance, the most significant modern
developments in education came during the period of the First
Development Plan (1961-66), when some 108 schools were operating and
15,000 students were enrolled.
The First Development Plan provided for a central education
authority--in the form of a director of education appointed in 1961--and
an organized, modern school system with free and universal primary
education. Since that time, following one year of preschool begun at age
four, children attended school in the primary grades--one through five.
Education continued with the equivalent of grades six through eight at
the junior high level and grades nine through eleven at the high school
level. The Department of Education administered the All-Bhutan
Examinations nationwide to determine promotion from one level of
schooling to the next. Examinations at the tenth-grade level were
conducted by the Indian School Certificate Council. The Department of
Education also was responsible for producing textbooks; preparing course
syllabi and in-service training for teachers; arranging training and
study abroad; organizing interschool tournaments; procuring foreign
assistance for education programs; and recruiting, testing, and
promoting teachers, among other duties.
The core curriculum set by the National Board of Secondary Education
included English, mathematics, and Dzongkha. Although English was used
as the language of instruction throughout the junior high and high
school system, Dzongkha and, in southern Bhutan until 1989, Nepali, were
compulsory subjects. Students also studied English literature, social
studies, history, geography, general science, biology, chemistry,
physics, and religion. Curriculum development often has come from
external forces, as was the case with historical studies. Most Bhutanese
history is based on oral traditions rather than on written histories or
administrative records. A project sponsored by the United Nations
Education, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the
University of London developed a ten-module curriculum, which included
four courses on Bhutanese history and culture and six courses on Indian
and world history and political ideas. Subjects with an immediate
practical application, such as elementary agriculture, animal husbandry,
and forestry, also were taught.
Bhutan's coeducational school system in 1988 encompassed a reported
42,446 students and 1,513 teachers in 150 primary schools, 11,835
students and 447 teachers in 21 junior high schools, and 4,515 students
and 248 teachers in 9 high schools. Males accounted for 63 percent of
all primary and secondary students. Most teachers at these levels--70
percent--also were males. There also were 1,761 students and 150
teachers in technical, vocational, and special schools in 1988.
Despite increasing student enrollments, which went from 36,705
students in 1981 to 58,796 students in 1988, education was not
compulsory. In 1988 only about 25 percent of primary-school-age children
attended school, an extremely low percentage by all standards. Although
the government set enrollment quotas for high schools, in no instance
did they come close to being met in the 1980s. Only about 8 percent of
junior high-school-age and less than 3 percent of high-school-age
children were enrolled in 1988.
Bhutan's literacy rate in the early 1990s, estimated at 30 percent
for males and 10 percent for females by the United Nations Development
Programme (UNDP), ranked lowest among all least developed countries.
Other sources ranked the literacy rate as low as 12 to 18 percent.
Some primary schools and all junior high and high schools were
boarding schools. The school year in the 1980s ran from March through
December. Tuition, books, stationery, athletic equipment, and food were
free for all boarding schools in the 1980s, and some high schools also
provided clothing. With the assistance of the United Nations Food and
Agriculture Organization's World Food Programme, free midday meals were
provided in some primary schools.
Higher education was provided by Royal Bhutan Polytechnic just
outside the village of Deothang, Samdrup Jongkhar District, and by
Kharbandi Technical School in Kharbandi, Chhukha District. Founded in
1973, Royal Bhutan Polytechnic offered courses in civil, mechanical, and
electrical engineering; surveying; and drafting. Kharbandi Technical
School was established in the 1970s with UNDP and International Labour
Organisation assistance. Bhutan's only junior college--Sherubtse College
in Kanglung, Tashigang District-- was established in 1983 as a
three-year degree-granting college affiliated with the University of
Delhi. In the year it was established with UNDP assistance, the college
enrolled 278 students, and seventeen faculty members taught courses in
arts, sciences, and commerce leading to a bachelor's degree. Starting in
1990, junior college classes also were taught at the Yanchenphug High
School in Thimphu and were to be extended to other high schools
thereafter.
Education programs were given a boost in 1990 when the Asian
Development Bank granted a US$7.13 million loan for staff training and
development, specialist services, equipment and furniture purchases,
salaries and other recurrent costs, and facility rehabilitation and
construction at Royal Bhutan Polytechnic. The Department of Education
and its Technical and Vocational Education Division were given a
US$750,000 Asian Development Bank grant for improving the technical,
vocational, and training sectors. The New Approach to Primary Education,
started in 1985, was extended to all primary and junior high schools in
1990 and stressed self-reliance and awareness of Bhutan's unique
national culture and environment.
Most Bhutanese students being educated abroad received technical
training in India, Singapore, Japan, Australia, New Zealand, Britain,
the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany), and the United States.
English-speaking countries attracted the majority of Bhutanese students.
The vast majority returned to their homeland.
Bhutan - Health
Bhutan's health-care development accelerated in the early 1960s with
the establishment of the Department of Public Health and the opening of
new hospitals and dispensaries throughout the country. By the early
1990s, health care was provided through some twentynine general
hospitals (including five leprosy hospitals, three army hospitals, and
one mobile hospital), forty-six dispensaries, sixty-seven basic health
units, four indigenous-medicine dispensaries, and fifteen malaria
eradication centers. The major hospitals were in Thimphu, Geylegphug,
and Tashigang. Hospital beds in 1988 totaled 932. There was a severe
shortage of health-care personnel with official statistics reporting
only 142 physicians and 678 paramedics, about one health-care
professional for every 2,000 people, or only one physician for almost
10,000 people. Training for health-care assistants, nurses' aides,
midwives, and primary health-care workers was provided at Thimphu
General Hospital's Health School, which was established in 1974.
Graduates of the school were the core of the national public health
system and helped staff the primary care basic health units throughout
the country. Additional health-care workers were recruited from among
volunteers in villages to supplement primary health care.
The most common diseases in the 1980s were gastrointestinal
infections caused by waterborne parasites, mostly attributable to the
lack of clean drinking water. The most frequently treated diseases were
respiratory tract infections, diarrhea and dysentery, worms, skin
infections, malaria, nutritional deficiencies, and conjunctivitis. In
1977 the World Health Organization (WHO) declared Bhutan a smallpox-free
zone. In 1979 a nationwide immunization program was established. In
1987, with WHO support, the government envisioned plans to immunize all
children against diphtheria, pertussis, tetanus, polio, tuberculosis,
and measles by 1990. The government's major medical objective by 2000
was to eliminate waterborne parasites, diarrhea and dysentery, malaria,
tuberculosis, pneumonia, and goiter. Progress in leprosy eradication was
made in the 1970s and 1980s, during which time the number of patients
had decreased by more than half, and by 1988 the government was
optimistic that the disease could be eliminated by 2000.
It was estimated in 1988 that only 8 persons per 1,000 had access to
potable water. Despite improved amenities provided to the people through
government economic development programs, Bhutan still faced basic
health problems. Factors in the country's high morbidity and death rates
included the severe climate, less than hygienic living conditions, for
example long-closed-up living quarters during the winter, a situation
that contributes to the high incidence of leprosy, and smoke inhalation
from inadequately ventilated cooking equipment. Nevertheless, in 1980 it
was estimated that 90 percent of Bhutanese received an adequate daily
caloric intake.
Although there were no reported cases of acquired immune deficiency
syndrome (AIDS), the Department of Public Health set up a public
awareness program in 1987. With the encouragement of the WHO, a
"reference laboratory" was established at the Thimphu General
Hospital to test for AIDS and human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) as a
precautionary measure. To further enhance awareness, representatives of
the National Institute of Family Health were sent to Bangladesh in 1990
for training in AIDS awareness and treatment measures.
Bhutan - THE ECONOMY
Bhutan, recognized by international aid agencies as one of the
poorest of the least developed countries of the world, had a primarily
subsistence agricultural economy in the early 1990s. In the late 1980s,
around 95 percent of the work force was involved in the agricultural
sector (agriculture, livestock, forestry and logging, and fishing). The
government projected that the agriculture sector would produce 46.2
percent of the nation's gross domestic product for 1991, representing a
decade-long slight decline as government services and electric power
generation increased. Manufacturing and construction, although
important, were expected to contribute only 14.2 percent of the
projected total GDP (nearly Nu4.1 billion) for 1991. The gross national
product was nearly Nu3.9 billion in 1988, and in the same year, the GDP
had risen to Nu3.4 billion. The World Bank calculated Bhutan's 1989 per
capita GNP, based on revised population estimates (600,000 persons), at
US$440.
Despite these seemingly bleak economic indicators, the actual quality
of life was comparatively better than that of countries to the north and
south. World Bank analysts believed the numbers were low because of
inaccurate population estimates and differences in measuring subsistence
output and barter transactions, as well as the difficulties in
reconciling the differences between fiscal-year and calendar-year
accounts. Nutritional intakes, and the availability of housing, land,
livestock, and fuel, all pointed to higher per capita income. And, when
measured in 1980 constant prices, according to Bhutanese government
statistics, the economy experienced a highly respectable .8 percent
annual growth rate during the 1980s.
Although Bhutan has a minuscule private sector, it was growing in the
late twentieth century in conjunction with government development plans.
It was controlled, however, by a small sector of society, members of the
royal family, and individuals or families with government ties. The
Companies Act of 1989 provided for the separation of all public and
joint sector corporations from the civil service by mid-1990, and, as a
result, certain key enterprises became independent of the government.
Bhutan - THE ECONOMY - Role of the Government
Planning and Reform
Government played a pervasive role in Bhutan's economy. Since 1961
the economy has been guided through development plans, which the
Development Secretariat and later the Planning Commission directed,
subject to the National Assembly's approval. In the World Bank's 1989
appraisal, "Coming late to the development scene, Bhutan was eager
to avoid mistakes committed elsewhere. Although strongly dependent on
foreign aid, it was determined to follow its own set of priorities, keep
public finance on an even keel, build up a well trained but lean
bureaucracy, and prevent environmental damage from overexploitation of
the forests or uncontrolled growth of tourism." To help avoid
further mistakes, the government used traditional social institutions
and involved people at the local level in planning and implementation
for their own district, subdistrict, or village. "As a result of
these factors," said the World Bank, "development in Bhutan
has been remarkably free from seeing economic, social, or cultural
disruption."
India fully funded the First Development Plan (1961-66). The first
plan, for which Nu107.2 million was allocated, and the Second
Development Plan (1966-71), for which Nu202.2 million was allocated,
focused primarily on developing modern budgeting techniques. According to some foreign observers, the first two
plans failed to set priorities and achieve economic-sector integration
as might be expected of genuine development planning. The major
economic-planning emphasis was on public works, primarily roads;
forestry; health care; and education.
To make planning more effective, the Planning Commission was
established to formulate the Third Development Plan (1971-76), and the
Druk Gyalpo served as its chairman until 1991. Under the third plan,
public works, still primarily roads, continued to take a significant
share of the Nu475.2 million development budget (17.8 percent) but had
decreased from its 58.7 percent share in the first plan and its 34.9
percent share in the second plan. Education gradually increased (from
8.8 to 18.9 percent) in the first three plans. The second and third
plans were paid for primarily by India, although about 3 percent of
total funding became available through the UN, starting with the third
plan. Despite amounts budgeted for planned development, there were
additional capital expenditures outside the formal development plan,
including public works (mostly road construction) and hydroelectric
plants.
One of the major achievements of the Fourth Development Plan
(1976-81) was the establishment of district (or dzongkhag)
planning committees to stimulate greater local involvement, awareness of
government development policies, and local development proposals. The
committees, however, had no decision-making powers. Nevertheless,
agricultural and animal husbandry came to the fore, taking 29 percent of
the Nu1.106 billion allocated for the fourth plan. It was during the
fourth plan that Bhutan made its first effort to establish the value of
the GDP, which in 1977 amounted to Nu1.0 billion. In that year, GDP was
distributed among agricultural and related activities, 63.2 percent;
services, 13.1 percent; government administration, 10.4 percent; rental
income, 8.1 percent; and manufacturing and mining, 5.2 percent. Per
capita GDP was estimated at US$105.
The Fifth Development Plan (1981-87) sought the expansion of farmland
to increase the production of staple crops, such as rice, corn, wheat,
barley, buckwheat, and millet. The plan also emphasized improvements in
livestock, soil fertility, plant protection, and farm mechanization. Its
total planned allocation was Nu4.3 billion, but the actual outlay came
to Nu4.7 billion. Financing the planning process grew increasingly
complex, as indicated by the fifth plan's multilateral funding sources.
However, domestic revenue sources for development planning had increased
significantly, and the fifth plan included development projects that
would further decrease dependence on external assistance. Such concepts
as self-reliance in each district, decentralization of the development
administration, greater public input in decision making, better control
of maintenance expenditures, and more efficient and effective use of
internal resources became increasingly important.
The Sixth Development Plan (1987-92) focused on industry, mining,
trade, and commerce (13.3 percent) and power generation projects (13.1
percent), with education's allocation decreasing slightly to 8.1 percent
from 11.2 percent during the fifth plan. At Nu9.5 billion, the sixth
plan was considerably more expensive than its predecessor. It included
programs that, if successfully implemented, would mean far-reaching
reforms. The goals included strengthening government administration,
promoting the national identity, mobilizing internal resources,
enhancing rural incomes, improving rural housing and resettlement,
consolidating and improving services, developing human resources,
promoting public involvement in development plans and strategies, and
promoting national self-reliance. Perhaps the key ingredient,
self-reliance, promised to provide for more popular participation in the
development process and to result in improved rural conditions and
services as well as better government administration and humanresource
development. With greater self-reliance, it was hoped that Bhutan would
begin exploiting markets in neighboring countries with manufacturing,
mining, and hydroelectric projects in the 1990s. Faced with rising
costs, Bhutan postponed some projects requiring large inputs of capital
until the Seventh Development Plan (1992- 96).
No major changes were expected in overall sectoral development in the
seventh plan. Preliminary planning indicated emphasis on
"consolidation and rehabilitation" of developments achieved
under previous plans, more attention to environmental concerns, and
enhancement of women's role in economic and social development.
From their inception, the development plans have been aimed at
energizing the rest of the economy and promoting economic selfreliance .
Windfall revenues from export receipts normally were used to reduce
foreign debt and dependence on foreign aid. Planners also sought to
involve the immediate beneficiaries of economic development.
Representatives in the National Assembly and district officials were
encouraged to become involved in projects, such as roads and bridges,
schools, health care facilities, and irrigation works, in their
district. Some costs for the projects were borne through self-help, such
as households providing labor. Government planners also have endeavored
to increase rural income through initiatives in the farming sector, such
as stock-breeding programs, promotion of cash crops, and advanced
agro-technology. Central government efforts also were aimed at
increasing the quality of life by providing electrification, modern
water and sanitation systems, better cooking equipment, and insulation
for houses.
Bhutan - THE ECONOMY - Budgets
The Royal Monetary Authority, since its establishment in 1982, has
served as the central bank of Bhutan and maintained its headquarters in
Thimphu. The authority was responsible for issuing currency,
implementing monetary policy, coordinating financial institution
activities, and holding the government's foreignexchange earnings. Among
its initial duties was the administration of financial assistance to
rural development, a duty later delegated to the Bhutan Development
Finance Corporation when it was founded in 1988.
The Bank of Bhutan, the nation's commercial bank, was established in
1968 as a joint venture with the Chartered Bank of India, which owned 25
percent of the bank. In 1970 the State Bank of India took over the
Bhutanese assets controlled by the Chartered Bank of India. Since its
establishment, the Bank of Bhutan's board of directors, has been
composed of key officials from the economic ministries and departments
and two officials from the Indian banks. The bank was restructured in
1971. To ensure that it would have sufficient funds at its disposal,
government departments were required to deposit all of their accounts
with the government-run bank until 1982, when the Royal Monetary
Authority was established. Since 1982 the Bank of Bhutan has served as
the retail banking agent for the Royal Monetary Authority. The bank's
principal office was in Phuntsholing; in 1991 there were twenty-six
branch offices throughout the country. The Bank of Bhutan was able to
give relatively large loans for capital programs, such as irrigation
projects in the south-central region. Among its retail banking
activities was the issuance of rupee-denomination travelers' cheques;
this activity was started in 1974.
The Bhutan Development Finance Corporation, upon its establishment in
1988, took over the administration of rural financial assistance from
the Royal Monetary Authority. Loans were granted for improving
farmlands, acquiring livestock, and meeting short-term, seasonal
requirements. At least some of the funding for the corporation came from
the Asian Development Bank, including an initial US$2.5 million loan in
1988 for the expansion of small- and medium-sized, private-sector
industrial development. By 1991 the corporation had been privatized.
Nonbank financial institutions also were set up as part of the
economic modernization process. Insurance was offered by the Royal
Insurance Corporation of Bhutan, which was established in 1975 with its
headquarters in Phuntsholing. Starting in 1980, individuals could invest
their savings in the newly established Unit Trust of Bhutan. The trust,
with its main office in Phuntsholing, channeled invested funds, for
which it issued shares called units, into industrial and commercial
development. The Government Employees' Provident Fund, established in
1986; the Bhutan Development Finance Corporation; and other nonbank
institutions were small and constrained by the rudimentary use of money
in the economy.
Bhutan - Government-Owned Corporations
Aid
Whereas Bhutan was once nearly totally dependent on India not only
for its development assistance but also for its entire government
revenue, it increasingly turned to various international organizations,
such as the United Nations, the Colombo Plan, the World Bank, and the
Asian Development Bank, for loans. Since the 1960s, Bhutan, through the
Colombo Plan, has received aid from several countries in the form of
farm machinery, motor vehicles, school books and laboratory equipment,
livestock, seeds, dairy equipment, medicine, and refrigeration and
irrigation systems. Participating countries included Japan, Australia,
New Zealand, Britain, Austria, Switzerland, West Germany, and Canada.
The World Bank granted a US$9 million interest-free loan to help with
the development of a calcium carbide plant near Phuntsholing. As of
1990, total Asian Development Bank loans to Bhutan since the latter
joined in 1982 amounted to US$30 million. In 1987 and 1988 alone, the
bank approved loans totalling more than US$6.9 million to cover the
modernization of industrial estates and to provide foreign currency for
the Bhutan Development Finance Corporation, which in turn provided
credit for agricultural projects and private-sector businesses. Asian
Development Bank loans to Bhutan for 1990-93 were projected at US$35
million, plus a grant of more than US$4.85 million; the aid was for
technical assistance.
The Sixth Development Plan saw increased involvement of aid both
through UN auspices and the non-profit Swiss organization Helvetas
(Swiss Association for Technical Assistance). Helvetas began providing
funding to Bhutan in 1975 through contributions from association members
and the Swiss government. In 1990, for example, Helvetas contributed
Nu32.8 million (69 percent of total foreign aid) to establish the
Natural Resources Training Institute, a two-year technical training
school. The Japanese government gave Nu74 million in grants for
agricultural development and audio training equipment in 1990-91.
In 1989 the World Food Programme approved a two-year US$700,000
project to establish food reserves that would help Bhutan handle local
emergencies and interruptions of food supplies. The Food and Agriculture
Organization of the United Nations (FAO) sponsored a program to assist
Bhutan in achieving food self-sufficiency by 1992.
Another form of aid received by Bhutan was through international and
foreign volunteer programs. A UN volunteer program initiated in 1980
brought foreign specialists in to assist and advise in the areas of
education, health, engineering, animal husbandry, agriculture, and urban
planning. By 1990 Japan, New Zealand, Britain, and Canada also were
operating volunteer programs in Bhutan.
In addition to the substantial aid it received, Bhutan was itself an
aid giver. For example, in 1987 Bhutan provided disaster relief aid to
the Maldives (Nu1 million), Bangladesh (Nu0.5 million), and India (Nu5
million).