The authors wish to acknowledge their use and adaptation of several
chapters from the 1981 edition of China: A Country Study,
edited by Frederica M. Bunge and Rinn-Sup Shinn. In particular,
substantial parts of the following chapters were incorporated by the
authors of the new edition: Martin Weil's "Physical Environment and
Population," Joel N. Glassman's "Education and Culture,"
Thomas R. Gottschang's "Industry" and "Trade and
Transportation," Rinn-Sup Shinn's "Party and Government,"
and David G. Barlow and Daniel W. Wagner's "Public Order and
Internal Security."
The authors also are indebted to a number of individuals in the
United States government and in international, diplomatic, and private
organizations who gave of their time and special knowledge on Chinese
affairs to provide research data and perspective. Those who were
particularly helpful were Judith Banister of the United States Bureau of
the Census; Paul Schroeder of the Map Library, Department of State;
Edward P. Parris of the Department of Defense; Chi Wang of the Asian
Division, Library of Congress; and Constance A. Johnson of the Far
Eastern Law Library, Library of Congress.
The authors also wish to express their appreciation to members of the
staff of the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress, who
contributed to the preparation of the book. Foremost among these was
Barbara L. Dash, who meticulously reviewed the text. Without her
assistance the entire effort would not have been as complete and as
finely tuned as it has come to be. Ms. Dash was assisted in editing by
Martha E. Hopkins and Glenn E. Curtis. Mervin J. Shello and Ly H.
Burnham examined specialized and technical sections of the manuscript,
and Carolina E. Forrester reviewed textual references to China's
geography. David P. Cabitto, Sandra K. Cotugno, and Kimberly Lord
provided copious graphic arts support. Tracy M. Henry assisted on
numerous phases of the book including word processing of chapter texts,
formatting and typing much of the tabular data, and proof reading.
Alberta Jones King, Barbara Edgerton, and Izella Watson diligently
provided word processing. Richard F. Nyrop reviewed all parts of the
book and made valuable suggestions throughout its development.
Others who contributed to this edition were Teresa E. Kamp, who
prepared several of the maps; and Editorial Experts, which did the
index. Andrea T. Merrill made a very important contribution to the
overall consistency and quality of the book in performing the final,
prepublication review. Also, the late John G. Early, head of the
Printing and Processing Section, Library of Congress, was instrumental
in establishing procedures for typesetting the final text. Peggy F.
Pixley, of the same section, directed the actual typesetting which was
accomplished by Diann Johnson.
China - Preface
This volume is one in a continuing series of books prepared by the
Federal Research Division of the Library of Congress under the Country
Studies/Area Handbook Program sponsored by the Department of the Army.
Most books in the series deal with a particular foreign country,
describing and analyzing its political, economic, social, and national
security systems and institutions, and examining the interrelationships
of those systems and the ways they are shaped by cultural factors. The
authors seek to provide a basic understanding of the observed society,
striving for a dynamic rather than a static portrayal. Particular
attention is devoted to the people who make up the society, their
origins, dominant beliefs and values, their common interests and the
issues on which they are divided, the nature and extent of their
involvement with national institutions, and their attitudes toward each
other and toward their social system and political order.
The books represent the analysis of the authors and should not be
construed as an expression of an official United States government
position, policy, or decision. The authors have sought to adhere to
accepted standards of scholarly objectivity. Corrections, additions, and
suggestions for changes from readers will be welcomed for use in future
editions.
China - Historical Setting
THE HISTORY OF CHINA, as documented in ancient writings, dates back
some 3,300 years. Modern archaeological studies provide evidence of
still more ancient origins in a culture that flourished between 2500 and
2000 B.C. in what is now central China and the lower Huang He (Yellow
River) Valley of north China. Centuries of migration, amalgamation, and
development brought about a distinctive system of writing, philosophy,
art, and political organization that came to be recognizable as Chinese
civilization. What makes the civilization unique in world history is its
continuity through over 4,000 years to the present century.
The Chinese have developed a strong sense of their real and
mythological origins and have kept voluminous records since very early
times. It is largely as a result of these records that knowledge
concerning the ancient past, not only of China but also of its
neighbors, has survived.
Chinese history, until the twentieth century, was written mostly by
members of the ruling scholar-official class and was meant to provide
the ruler with precedents to guide or justify his policies. These
accounts focused on dynastic politics and colorful court histories and
included developments among the commoners only as backdrops. The
historians described a Chinese political pattern of dynasties, one
following another in a cycle of ascent, achievement, decay, and rebirth
under a new family.
Of the consistent traits identified by independent historians, a
salient one has been the capacity of the Chinese to absorb the people of
surrounding areas into their own civilization. Their success can be
attributed to the superiority of their ideographic written language,
their technology, and their political institutions; the refinement of
their artistic and intellectual creativity; and the sheer weight of
their numbers. The process of assimilation continued over the centuries
through conquest and colonization until what is now known as China
Proper was brought under unified rule. The Chinese also left an enduring
mark on people beyond their borders, especially the Koreans, Japanese,
and Vietnamese.
Another recurrent historical theme has been the unceasing struggle of
the sedentary Chinese against the threat posed to their safety and way
of life by non-Chinese peoples on the margins of their territory in the
north, northeast, and northwest. In the thirteenth century, the Mongols
from the northern steppes became the first alien people to conquer all
China. Although not as culturally developed as the Chinese, they left
some imprint on Chinese civilization while heightening Chinese
perceptions of threat from the north. China came under alien rule for
the second time in the mid-seventeenth century; the conquerors--the
Manchus-- came again from the north and northeast.
For centuries virtually all the foreigners that Chinese rulers saw
came from the less developed societies along their land borders. This
circumstance conditioned the Chinese view of the outside world. The
Chinese saw their domain as the self-sufficient center of the universe
and derived from this image the traditional (and still used) Chinese
name for their country--Zhongguo, literally, Middle Kingdom or Central
Nation. China saw itself surrounded on all sides by so-called barbarian
peoples whose cultures were demonstrably inferior by Chinese standards.
This China-centered ("sinocentric") view of the world was
still undisturbed in the nineteenth century, at the time of the first
serious confrontation with the West. China had taken it for granted that
its relations with Europeans would be conducted according to the
tributary system that had evolved over the centuries between the emperor
and representatives of the lesser states on China's borders as well as
between the emperor and some earlier European visitors. But by the
mid-nineteenth century, humiliated militarily by superior Western
weaponry and technology and faced with imminent territorial
dismemberment, China began to reassess its position with respect to
Western civilization. By 1911 the two-millennia-old dynastic system of
imperial government was brought down by its inability to make this
adjustment successfully.
Because of its length and complexity, the history of the Middle
Kingdom lends itself to varied interpretation. After the communist
takeover in 1949, historians in mainland China wrote their own version
of the past--a history of China built on a Marxist model of progression
from primitive communism to slavery, feudalism, capitalism, and finally
socialism. The events of history came to be presented as a function of
the class struggle. Historiography became subordinated to proletarian
politics fashioned and directed by the Chinese Communist Party. A series
of thought-reform and antirightist campaigns were directed against
intellectuals in the arts, sciences, and academic community. The
Cultural Revolution (1966-76) further altered the objectivity of
historians. In the years after the death of Mao Zedong in 1976, however,
interest grew within the party, and outside it as well, in restoring the
integrity of historical inquiry. This trend was consistent with the
party's commitment to "seeking truth from facts." As a result,
historians and social scientists raised probing questions concerning the
state of historiography in China. Their investigations included not only
historical study of traditional China but penetrating inquiries into
modern Chinese history and the history of the Chinese Communist Party.
In post-Mao China, the discipline of historiography has not been
separated from politics, although a much greater range of historical
topics has been discussed. Figures from Confucius--who was bitterly
excoriated for his "feudal" outlook by Cultural Revolution-era
historians--to Mao himself have been evaluated with increasing
flexibility. Among the criticisms made by Chinese social scientists is
that Maoist-era historiography distorted Marxist and Leninist
interpretations. This meant that considerable revision of historical
texts was in order in the 1980s, although no substantive change away
from the conventional Marxist approach was likely. Historical institutes
were restored within the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and a
growing corps of trained historians, in institutes and academia alike,
returned to their work with the blessing of the Chinese Communist Party.
This in itself was a potentially significant development.
China - THE ANCIENT DYNASTIES
Chinese civilization, as described in mythology, begins with Pangu,
the creator of the universe, and a succession of legendary sage-emperors
and culture heroes who taught the ancient Chinese to communicate and to
find sustenance, clothing, and shelter. The first prehistoric dynasty is
said to be Xia, from about the twentyfirst to the sixteenth century B.C.
Until scientific excavations were made at early bronze-age sites at
Anyang, Henan Province, in 1928, it was difficult to separate myth from
reality in regard to the Xia. But since then, and especially in the
1960s and 1970s, archaeologists have uncovered urban sites, bronze
implements, and tombs that point to the existence of Xia civilization in
the same locations cited in ancient Chinese historical texts. At
minimum, the Xia period marked an evolutionary stage between the late
neolithic cultures and the typical Chinese urban civilization of the
Shang dynasty.
The Dawn of History
Thousands of archaeological finds in the Huang He Valley--the
apparent cradle of Chinese civilization--provide evidence about the
Shang dynasty, which endured roughly from 1700 to 1027 B.C. The Shang
dynasty (also called the Yin dynasty in its later stages) is believed to
have been founded by a rebel leader who overthrew the last Xia ruler.
Its civilization was based on agriculture, augmented by hunting and
animal husbandry. Two important events of the period were the
development of a writing system, as revealed in archaic Chinese
inscriptions found on tortoise shells and flat cattle bones (commonly
called oracle bones), and the use of bronze metallurgy. A number of
ceremonial bronze vessels with inscriptions date from the Shang period;
the workmanship on the bronzes attests to a high level of civilization.
A line of hereditary Shang kings ruled over much of northern China,
and Shang troops fought frequent wars with neighboring settlements and
nomadic herdsmen from the inner Asian steppes. The capitals, one of
which was at the site of the modern city of Anyang, were centers of
glittering court life. Court rituals to propitiate spirits and to honor
sacred ancestors were highly developed. In addition to his secular
position, the king was the head of the ancestor- and spirit-worship
cult. Evidence from the royal tombs indicates that royal personages were
buried with articles of value, presumably for use in the afterlife.
Perhaps for the same reason, hundreds of commoners, who may have been
slaves, were buried alive with the royal corpse.
China - The Zhou Period
The last Shang ruler, a despot according to standard Chinese
accounts, was overthrown by a chieftain of a frontier tribe called Zhou,
which had settled in the Wei Valley in modern Shaanxi Province. The Zhou
dynasty had its capital at Hao, near the city of Xi'an, or Chang'an, as
it was known in its heyday in the imperial period. Sharing the language
and culture of the Shang, the early Zhou rulers, through conquest and
colonization, gradually sinicized, that is, extended Shang culture
through much of China Proper north of the Chang Jiang (Yangtze River).
The Zhou dynasty lasted longer than any other, from 1027 to 221 B.C. It
was philosophers of this period who first enunciated the doctrine of the
"mandate of heaven" (tianming), the notion that the
ruler (the "son of heaven") governed by divine right but that
his dethronement would prove that he had lost the mandate. The doctrine
explained and justified the demise of the two earlier dynasties and at
the same time supported the legitimacy of present and future rulers.
The term feudal has often been applied to the Zhou period
because the Zhou's early decentralized rule invites comparison with
medieval rule in Europe. At most, however, the early Zhou system was
proto-feudal, being a more sophisticated version of earlier tribal
organization, in which effective control depended more on familial ties
than on feudal legal bonds. Whatever feudal elements there may have been
decreased as time went on. The Zhou amalgam of city-states became
progressively centralized and established increasingly impersonal
political and economic institutions. These developments, which probably
occurred in the latter Zhou period, were manifested in greater central
control over local governments and a more routinized agricultural
taxation.
In 771 B.C. the Zhou court was sacked, and its king was killed by
invading barbarians who were allied with rebel lords. The capital was
moved eastward to Luoyang in present-day Henan Province. Because of this
shift, historians divide the Zhou era into Western Zhou (1027-771 B.C.)
and Eastern Zhou (770-221 B.C.). With the royal line broken, the power
of the Zhou court gradually diminished; the fragmentation of the kingdom
accelerated. Eastern Zhou divides into two subperiods. The first, from
770 to 476 B.C., is called the Spring and Autumn Period, after a famous
historical chronicle of the time; the second is known as the Warring
States Period (475-221 B.C.).
China - The Hundred Schools of Thought
The Spring and Autumn and Warring States periods, though marked by
disunity and civil strife, witnessed an unprecedented era of cultural
prosperity--the "golden age" of China. The atmosphere of
reform and new ideas was attributed to the struggle for survival among
warring regional lords who competed in building strong and loyal armies
and in increasing economic production to ensure a broader base for tax
collection. To effect these economic, military, and cultural
developments, the regional lords needed ever-increasing numbers of
skilled, literate officials and teachers, the recruitment of whom was
based on merit. Also during this time, commerce was stimulated through
the introduction of coinage and technological improvements. Iron came
into general use, making possible not only the forging of weapons of war
but also the manufacture of farm implements. Public works on a grand
scale--such as flood control, irrigation projects, and canal
digging--were executed. Enormous walls were built around cities and
along the broad stretches of the northern frontier.
So many different philosophies developed during the late Spring and
Autumn and early Warring States periods that the era is often known as
that of the Hundred Schools of Thought. From the Hundred Schools of
Thought came many of the great classical writings on which Chinese
practices were to be based for the next two and onehalf millennia. Many
of the thinkers were itinerant intellectuals who, besides teaching their
disciples, were employed as advisers to one or another of the various
state rulers on the methods of government, war, and diplomacy.
The body of thought that had the most enduring effect on subsequent
Chinese life was that of the School of Literati (ru), often
called the Confucian school in the West. The written legacy of the
School of Literati is embodied in the Confucian Classics, which were to
become the basis for the order of traditional society. Confucius
(551-479 B.C.), also called Kong Zi, or Master Kong, looked to the early
days of Zhou rule for an ideal social and political order. He believed
that the only way such a system could be made to work properly was for
each person to act according to prescribed relationships. "Let the
ruler be a ruler and the subject a subject," he said, but he added
that to rule properly a king must be virtuous. To Confucius, the
functions of government and social stratification were facts of life to
be sustained by ethical values. His ideal was the junzi
(ruler's son), which came to mean gentleman in the sense of a
cultivated or superior man.
Mencius (372-289 B.C.), or Meng Zi, was a Confucian disciple who made
major contributions to the humanism of Confucian thought. Mencius
declared that man was by nature good. He expostulated the idea that a
ruler could not govern without the people's tacit consent and that the
penalty for unpopular, despotic rule was the loss of the "mandate
of heaven."
The effect of the combined work of Confucius, the codifier and
interpreter of a system of relationships based on ethical behavior, and
Mencius, the synthesizer and developer of applied Confucian thought, was
to provide traditional Chinese society with a comprehensive framework on
which to order virtually every aspect of life.
There were to be accretions to the corpus of Confucian thought, both
immediately and over the millennia, and from within and outside the
Confucian school. Interpretations made to suit or influence contemporary
society made Confucianism dynamic while preserving a fundamental system
of model behavior based on ancient texts.
Diametrically opposed to Mencius, for example, was the interpretation
of Xun Zi (ca. 300-237 B.C.), another Confucian follower. Xun Zi
preached that man is innately selfish and evil and that goodness is
attainable only through education and conduct befitting one's status. He
also argued that the best government is one based on authoritarian
control, not ethical or moral persuasion.
Xun Zi's unsentimental and authoritarian inclinations were developed
into the doctrine embodied in the School of Law (fa), or
Legalism. The doctrine was formulated by Han Fei Zi (d. 233 B.C.) and Li
Si (d. 208 B.C.), who maintained that human nature was incorrigibly
selfish and therefore the only way to preserve the social order was to
impose discipline from above and to enforce laws strictly. The Legalists
exalted the state and sought its prosperity and martial prowess above
the welfare of the common people. Legalism became the philosophic basis
for the imperial form of government. When the most practical and useful
aspects of Confucianism and Legalism were synthesized in the Han period
(206 B.C.-A.D. 220), a system of governance came into existence that was
to survive largely intact until the late nineteenth century. Taoism (or
Daoism in pinyin), the second most important stream of Chinese thought,
also developed during the Zhou period. Its formulation is attributed to
the legendary sage Lao Zi (Old Master), said to predate Confucius, and
Zhuang Zi (369-286 B.C.). The focus of Taoism is the individual in
nature rather than the individual in society. It holds that the goal of
life for each individual is to find one's own personal adjustment to the
rhythm of the natural (and supernatural) world, to follow the Way (dao)
of the universe. In many ways the opposite of rigid Confucian moralism,
Taoism served many of its adherents as a complement to their ordered
daily lives. A scholar on duty as an official would usually follow
Confucian teachings but at leisure or in retirement might seek harmony
with nature as a Taoist recluse.
Another strain of thought dating to the Warring States Period is the
school of yin-yang and the five elements. The theories of this
school attempted to explain the universe in terms of basic forces in
nature, the complementary agents of yin (dark, cold, female,
negative) and yang (light, hot, male, positive) and the five
elements (water, fire, wood, metal, and earth). In later periods these
theories came to have importance both in philosophy and in popular
belief.
Still another school of thought was based on the doctrine of Mo Zi
(470-391 B.C.?), or Mo Di. Mo Zi believed that "all men are equal
before God" and that mankind should follow heaven by practicing
universal love. Advocating that all action must be utilitarian, Mo Zi
condemned the Confucian emphasis on ritual and music. He regarded
warfare as wasteful and advocated pacificism. Mo Zi also believed that
unity of thought and action were necessary to achieve social goals. He
maintained that the people should obey their leaders and that the
leaders should follow the will of heaven. Although Moism failed to
establish itself as a major school of thought, its views are said to be
"strongly echoed" in Legalist thought. In general, the
teachings of Mo Zi left an indelible impression on the Chinese mind.
China - THE IMPERIAL ERA
The First Imperial Period
Much of what came to constitute China Proper was unified for the
first time in 221 B.C. In that year the western frontier
state of Qin, the most aggressive of the Warring States, subjugated the
last of its rival states. (Qin in Wade-Giles romanization is Ch'in,
from which the English China probably derived.) Once the king
of Qin consolidated his power, he took the title Shi Huangdi
(First Emperor), a formulation previously reserved for deities and the
mythological sage-emperors, and imposed Qin's centralized, nonhereditary
bureaucratic system on his new empire. In subjugating the six other
major states of Eastern Zhou, the Qin kings had relied heavily on
Legalist scholaradvisers . Centralization, achieved by ruthless methods,
was focused on standardizing legal codes and bureaucratic procedures,
the forms of writing and coinage, and the pattern of thought and
scholarship. To silence criticism of imperial rule, the kings banished
or put to death many dissenting Confucian scholars and confiscated and
burned their books. Qin aggrandizement was aided by frequent military
expeditions pushing forward the frontiers in the north and south. To
fend off barbarian intrusion, the fortification walls built by the
various warring states were connected to make a 5,000- kilometer-long
great wall. (What is commonly referred to as the Great Wall is actually
four great walls rebuilt or extended during the Western Han, Sui, Jin,
and Ming periods, rather than a single, continuous wall. At its
extremities, the Great Wall reaches from northeastern Heilongjiang
Province to northwestern Gansu. A number of public works projects were
also undertaken to consolidate and strengthen imperial rule. These
activities required enormous levies of manpower and resources, not to
mention repressive measures. Revolts broke out as soon as the first Qin
emperor died in 210 B.C. His dynasty was extinguished less than twenty
years after its triumph. The imperial system initiated during the Qin
dynasty, however, set a pattern that was developed over the next two
millennia.
After a short civil war, a new dynasty, called Han (206 B.C.- A.D.
220), emerged with its capital at Chang'an. The new empire retained much
of the Qin administrative structure but retreated a bit from centralized
rule by establishing vassal principalities in some areas for the sake of
political convenience. The Han rulers modified some of the harsher
aspects of the previous dynasty; Confucian ideals of government, out of
favor during the Qin period, were adopted as the creed of the Han
empire, and Confucian scholars gained prominent status as the core of
the civil service. A civil service examination system also was
initiated. Intellectual, literary, and artistic endeavors revived and
flourished. The Han period produced China's most famous historian, Sima
Qian (145-87 B.C.?), whose Shiji (Historical Records) provides
a detailed chronicle from the time of a legendary Xia emperor to that of
the Han emperor Wu Di(141-87 B.C.). Technological advances also marked
this period. Two of the great Chinese inventions, paper and porcelain,
date from Han times.
The Han dynasty, after which the members of the ethnic majority in
China, the "people of Han," are named, was notable also for
its military prowess. The empire expanded westward as far as the rim of
the Tarim Basin (in modern Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region), making
possible relatively secure caravan traffic across Central Asia to
Antioch, Baghdad, and Alexandria. The paths of caravan traffic are often
called the "silk route" because the route was used to export
Chinese silk to the Roman Empire. Chinese armies also invaded and
annexed parts of northern Vietnam and northern Korea toward the end of
the second century B.C. Han control of peripheral regions was generally
insecure, however. To ensure peace with non-Chinese local powers, the
Han court developed a mutually beneficial "tributary system."
Non-Chinese states were allowed to remain autonomous in exchange for
symbolic acceptance of Han overlordship. Tributary ties were confirmed
and strengthened through intermarriages at the ruling level and periodic
exchanges of gifts and goods.
After 200 years, Han rule was interrupted briefly (in A.D. 9-24 by
Wang Mang, a reformer), and then restored for another 200 years. The Han
rulers, however, were unable to adjust to what centralization had
wrought: a growing population, increasing wealth and resultant financial
difficulties and rivalries, and ever-more complex political
institutions. Riddled with the corruption characteristic of the dynastic
cycle, by A.D. 220 the Han empire collapsed.
China - Era of Disunity
China was reunified in A.D. 589 by the short-lived Sui dynasty (A.D.
581-617), which has often been compared to the earlier Qin dynasty in
tenure and the ruthlessness of its accomplishments. The Sui dynasty's
early demise was attributed to the government's tyrannical demands on
the people, who bore the crushing burden of taxes and compulsory labor.
These resources were overstrained in the completion of the Grand
Canal--a monumental engineering feat-- and in the undertaking of other
construction projects, including the reconstruction of the Great Wall.
Weakened by costly and disastrous military campaigns against Korea in
the early seventh century, the dynasty disintegrated through a
combination of popular revolts, disloyalty, and assassination.
The Tang dynasty (A.D. 618-907), with its capital at Chang'an, is
regarded by historians as a high point in Chinese civilization-- equal,
or even superior, to the Han period. Its territory, acquired through the
military exploits of its early rulers, was greater than that of the Han.
Stimulated by contact with India and the Middle East, the empire saw a
flowering of creativity in many fields. Buddhism, originating in India
around the time of Confucius, flourished during the Tang period,
becoming thoroughly sinicized and a permanent part of Chinese
traditional culture. Block printing was invented, making the written
word available to vastly greater audiences. The Tang period was the
golden age of literature and art. A government system supported by a
large class of Confucian literati selected through civil service
examinations was perfected under Tang rule. This competitive procedure
was designed to draw the best talents into government. But perhaps an
even greater consideration for the Tang rulers, aware that imperial
dependence on powerful aristocratic families and warlords would have
destabilizing consequences, was to create a body of career officials
having no autonomous territorial or functional power base. As it turned
out, these scholar-officials acquired status in their local communities,
family ties, and shared values that connected them to the imperial
court. From Tang times until the closing days of the Qing empire in
1911, scholarofficials functioned often as intermediaries between the
grassroots level and the government.
By the middle of the eighth century A.D., Tang power had ebbed.
Domestic economic instability and military defeat in 751 by Arabs at
Talas, in Central Asia, marked the beginning of five centuries of steady
military decline for the Chinese empire. Misrule, court intrigues,
economic exploitation, and popular rebellions weakened the empire,
making it possible for northern invaders to terminate the dynasty in
907. The next half-century saw the fragmentation of China into five
northern dynasties and ten southern kingdoms. But in 960 a new power,
Song (960-1279), reunified most of China Proper. The Song period divides
into two phases: Northern Song (960-1127) and Southern Song (1127-1279).
The division was caused by the forced abandonment of north China in 1127
by the Song court, which could not push back the nomadic invaders.
The founders of the Song dynasty built an effective centralized
bureaucracy staffed with civilian scholar-officials. Regional military
governors and their supporters were replaced by centrally appointed
officials. This system of civilian rule led to a greater concentration
of power in the emperor and his palace bureaucracy than had been
achieved in the previous dynasties.
The Song dynasty is notable for the development of cities not only
for administrative purposes but also as centers of trade, industry, and
maritime commerce. The landed scholar-officials, sometimes collectively
referred to as the gentry, lived in the provincial centers alongside the
shopkeepers, artisans, and merchants. A new group of wealthy
commoners--the mercantile class-- arose as printing and education
spread, private trade grew, and a market economy began to link the
coastal provinces and the interior. Landholding and government
employment were no longer the only means of gaining wealth and prestige.
Culturally, the Song refined many of the developments of the previous
centuries. Included in these refinements were not only the Tang ideal of
the universal man, who combined the qualities of scholar, poet, painter,
and statesman, but also historical writings, painting, calligraphy, and
hard-glazed porcelain. Song intellectuals sought answers to all
philosophical and political questions in the Confucian Classics. This
renewed interest in the Confucian ideals and society of ancient times
coincided with the decline of Buddhism, which the Chinese regarded as
foreign and offering few practical guidelines for the solution of
political and other mundane problems.
The Song Neo-Confucian philosophers, finding a certain purity in the
originality of the ancient classical texts, wrote commentaries on them.
The most influential of these philosophers was Zhu Xi (1130-1200), whose
synthesis of Confucian thought and Buddhist, Taoist, and other ideas
became the official imperial ideology from late Song times to the late
nineteenth century. As incorporated into the examination system, Zhu
Xi's philosophy evolved into a rigid official creed, which stressed the
one-sided obligations of obedience and compliance of subject to ruler,
child to father, wife to husband, and younger brother to elder brother.
The effect was to inhibit the societal development of premodern China,
resulting both in many generations of political, social, and spiritual
stability and in a slowness of cultural and institutional change up to
the nineteenth century. Neo-Confucian doctrines also came to play the
dominant role in the intellectual life of Korea, Vietnam, and Japan.
China - Mongolian Interlude
By the mid-thirteenth century, the Mongols had subjugated north
China, Korea, and the Muslim kingdoms of Central Asia and had twice
penetrated Europe. With the resources of his vast empire, Kublai Khan
(1215-94), a grandson of Genghis Khan (1167?-1227) and the supreme
leader of all Mongol tribes, began his drive against the Southern Song.
Even before the extinction of the Song dynasty, Kublai Khan had
established the first alien dynasty to rule all China--the Yuan
(1279-1368).
Although the Mongols sought to govern China through traditional
institutions, using Chinese (Han) bureaucrats, they were not up to the
task. The Han were discriminated against socially and politically. All
important central and regional posts were monopolized by Mongols, who
also preferred employing non-Chinese from other parts of the Mongol
domain--Central Asia, the Middle East, and even Europe--in those
positions for which no Mongol could be found. Chinese were more often
employed in non-Chinese regions of the empire.
As in other periods of alien dynastic rule of China, a rich cultural
diversity developed during the Yuan dynasty. The major cultural
achievements were the development of drama and the novel and the
increased use of the written vernacular. The Mongols' extensive West
Asian and European contacts produced a fair amount of cultural exchange.
Western musical instruments were introduced to enrich the Chinese
performing arts. From this period dates the conversion to Islam, by
Muslims of Central Asia, of growing numbers of Chinese in the northwest
and southwest. Nestorianism and Roman Catholicism also enjoyed a period
of toleration. Lamaism (Tibetan Buddhism) flourished, although native
Taoism endured Mongol persecutions. Confucian governmental practices and
examinations based on the Classics, which had fallen into disuse in
north China during the period of disunity, were reinstated by the
Mongols in the hope of maintaining order over Han society. Advances were
realized in the fields of travel literature, cartography and geography,
and scientific education. Certain key Chinese innovations, such as
printing techniques, porcelain production, playing cards, and medical
literature, were introduced in Europe, while the production of thin
glass and cloisonne became popular in China. The first records of travel
by Westerners date from this time. The most famous traveler of the
period was the Venetian Marco Polo, whose account of his trip to
"Cambaluc," the Great Khan's capital (now Beijing), and of
life there astounded the people of Europe. The Mongols undertook
extensive public works. Road and water communications were reorganized
and improved. To provide against possible famines, granaries were
ordered built throughout the empire. The city of Beijing was rebuilt
with new palace grounds that included artificial lakes, hills and
mountains, and parks. During the Yuan period, Beijing became the
terminus of the Grand Canal, which was completely renovated. These
commercially oriented improvements encouraged overland as well as
maritime commerce throughout Asia and facilitated the first direct
Chinese contacts with Europe. Chinese and Mongol travelers to the West
were able to provide assistance in such areas as hydraulic engineering,
while bringing back to the Middle Kingdom new scientific discoveries and
architectural innovations. Contacts with the West also brought the
introduction to China of a major new food crop--sorghum--along with
other foreign food products and methods of preparation.
China - The Chinese Regain Power
Rivalry among the Mongol imperial heirs, natural disasters, and
numerous peasant uprisings led to the collapse of the Yuan dynasty. The
Ming dynasty (1368-1644) was founded by a Han Chinese peasant and former
Buddhist monk turned rebel army leader. Having its capital first at
Nanjing (which means Southern Capital) and later at Beijing (Northern
Capital), the Ming reached the zenith of power during the first quarter
of the fifteenth century. The Chinese armies reconquered Annam, as
northern Vietnam was then known, in Southeast Asia and kept back the
Mongols, while the Chinese fleet sailed the China seas and the Indian
Ocean, cruising as far as the east coast of Africa. The maritime Asian
nations sent envoys with tribute for the Chinese emperor. Internally,
the Grand Canal was expanded to its farthest limits and proved to be a
stimulus to domestic trade.
The Ming maritime expeditions stopped rather suddenly after 1433, the
date of the last voyage. Historians have given as one of the reasons the
great expense of large-scale expeditions at a time of preoccupation with
northern defenses against the Mongols. Opposition at court also may have
been a contributing factor, as conservative officials found the concept
of expansion and commercial ventures alien to Chinese ideas of
government. Pressure from the powerful Neo-Confucian bureaucracy led to
a revival of strict agrarian-centered society. The stability of the Ming
dynasty, which was without major disruptions of the population (then
around 100 million), economy, arts, society, or politics, promoted a
belief among the Chinese that they had achieved the most satisfactory
civilization on earth and that nothing foreign was needed or welcome.
Long wars with the Mongols, incursions by the Japanese into Korea,
and harassment of Chinese coastal cities by the Japanese in the
sixteenth century weakened Ming rule, which became, as earlier Chinese
dynasties had, ripe for an alien takeover. In 1644 the Manchus took
Beijing from the north and became masters of north China, establishing
the last imperial dynasty, the Qing (1644- 1911).
China - The Rise of the Manchus
Although the Manchus were not Han Chinese and were strongly resisted,
especially in the south, they had assimilated a great deal of Chinese
culture before conquering China Proper. Realizing that to dominate the
empire they would have to do things the Chinese way, the Manchus
retained many institutions of Ming and earlier Chinese derivation. They
continued the Confucian court practices and temple rituals, over which
the emperors had traditionally presided.
The Manchus continued the Confucian civil service system. Although
Chinese were barred from the highest offices, Chinese officials
predominated over Manchu officeholders outside the capital, except in
military positions. The Neo-Confucian philosophy, emphasizing the
obedience of subject to ruler, was enforced as the state creed. The
Manchu emperors also supported Chinese literary and historical projects
of enormous scope; the survival of much of China's ancient literature is
attributed to these projects.
Ever suspicious of Han Chinese, the Qing rulers put into effect
measures aimed at preventing the absorption of the Manchus into the
dominant Han Chinese population. Han Chinese were prohibited from
migrating into the Manchu homeland, and Manchus were forbidden to engage
in trade or manual labor. Intermarriage between the two groups was
forbidden. In many government positions a system of dual appointments
was used--the Chinese appointee was required to do the substantive work
and the Manchu to ensure Han loyalty to Qing rule.
The Qing regime was determined to protect itself not only from
internal rebellion but also from foreign invasion. After China Proper
had been subdued, the Manchus conquered Outer Mongolia (now the
Mongolian People's Republic) in the late seventeenth century. In the
eighteenth century they gained control of Central Asia as far as the
Pamir Mountains and established a protectorate over the area the Chinese
call Xizang but commonly known in the West as Tibet. The Qing thus
became the first dynasty to eliminate successfully all danger to China
Proper from across its land borders. Under Manchu rule the empire grew
to include a larger area than before or since; Taiwan, the last outpost
of anti-Manchu resistance, was also incorporated into China for the
first time. In addition, Qing emperors received tribute from the various
border states.
The chief threat to China's integrity did not come overland, as it
had so often in the past, but by sea, reaching the southern coastal area
first. Western traders, missionaries, and soldiers of fortune began to
arrive in large numbers even before the Qing, in the sixteenth century.
The empire's inability to evaluate correctly the nature of the new
challenge or to respond flexibly to it resulted in the demise of the
Qing and the collapse of the entire millennia-old framework of dynastic
rule.
China - EMERGENCE OF MODERN CHINA
As elsewhere in Asia, in China the Portuguese were the pioneers,
establishing a foothold at Macao (Aomen in pinyin), from which they
monopolized foreign trade at the Chinese port of Guangzhou (Canton).
Soon the Spanish arrived, followed by the British and the French.
Trade between China and the West was carried on in the guise of
tribute: foreigners were obliged to follow the elaborate, centuries-old
ritual imposed on envoys from China's tributary states. There was no
conception at the imperial court that the Europeans would expect or
deserve to be treated as cultural or political equals. The sole
exception was Russia, the most powerful inland neighbor.
The Manchus were sensitive to the need for security along the
northern land frontier and therefore were prepared to be realistic in
dealing with Russia. The Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689) with the Russians,
drafted to bring to an end a series of border incidents and to establish
a border between Siberia and Manchuria (northeast China) along the
Heilong Jiang (Amur River), was China's first bilateral agreement with a
European power. In 1727 the Treaty of Kiakhta delimited the remainder of
the eastern portion of the SinoRussian border. Western diplomatic
efforts to expand trade on equal terms were rebuffed, the official
Chinese assumption being that the empire was not in need of foreign--and
thus inferior--products. Despite this attitude, trade flourished, even
though after 1760 all foreign trade was confined to Guangzhou, where the
foreign traders had to limit their dealings to a dozen officially
licensed Chinese merchant firms.
Trade was not the sole basis of contact with the West. Since the
thirteenth century, Roman Catholic missionaries had been attempting to
establish their church in China. Although by 1800 only a few hundred
thousand Chinese had been converted, the missionaries--mostly
Jesuits--contributed greatly to Chinese knowledge in such fields as
cannon casting, calendar making, geography, mathematics, cartography,
music, art, and architecture. The Jesuits were especially adept at
fitting Christianity into a Chinese framework and were condemned by a
papal decision in 1704 for having tolerated the continuance of Confucian
ancestor rites among Christian converts. The papal decision quickly
weakened the Christian movement, which it proscribed as heterodox and
disloyal.
China - The Opium War, 1839-42
During the eighteenth century, the market in Europe and America for
tea, a new drink in the West, expanded greatly. Additionally, there was
a continuing demand for Chinese silk and porcelain. But China, still in
its preindustrial stage, wanted little that the West had to offer,
causing the Westerners, mostly British, to incur an unfavorable balance
of trade. To remedy the situation, the foreigners developed a
third-party trade, exchanging their merchandise in India and Southeast
Asia for raw materials and semiprocessed goods, which found a ready
market in Guangzhou. By the early nineteenth century, raw cotton and
opium from India had become the staple British imports into China, in
spite of the fact that opium was prohibited entry by imperial decree.
The opium traffic was made possible through the connivance of
profit-seeking merchants and a corrupt bureaucracy.
In 1839 the Qing government, after a decade of unsuccessful
anti-opium campaigns, adopted drastic prohibitory laws against the opium
trade. The emperor dispatched a commissioner, Lin Zexu (1785- 1850), to
Guangzhou to suppress illicit opium traffic. Lin seized illegal stocks
of opium owned by Chinese dealers and then detained the entire foreign
community and confiscated and destroyed some 20,000 chests of illicit
British opium. The British retaliated with a punitive expedition, thus
initiating the first Anglo-Chinese war, better known as the Opium War
(1839-42). Unprepared for war and grossly underestimating the
capabilities of the enemy, the Chinese were disastrously defeated, and
their image of their own imperial power was tarnished beyond repair. The
Treaty of Nanjing (1842), signed on board a British warship by two
Manchu imperial commissioners and the British plenipotentiary, was the
first of a series of agreements with the Western trading nations later
called by the Chinese the "unequal treaties." Under the Treaty
of Nanjing, China ceded the island of Hong Kong (Xianggang in pinyin) to
the British; abolished the licensed monopoly system of trade; opened 5
ports to British residence and foreign trade; limited the tariff on
trade to 5 percent ad valorem; granted British nationals
extraterritoriality (exemption from Chinese laws); and paid a large
indemnity. In addition, Britain was to have most-favored-nation
treatment, that is, it would receive whatever trading concessions the
Chinese granted other powers then or later. The Treaty of Nanjing set
the scope and character of an unequal relationship for the ensuing
century of what the Chinese would call "national
humiliations." The treaty was followed by other incursions, wars,
and treaties that granted new concessions and added new privileges for
the foreigners.
China - The Taiping Rebellion, 1851-64
During the mid-nineteenth century, China's problems were compounded
by natural calamities of unprecedented proportions, including droughts,
famines, and floods. Government neglect of public works was in part
responsible for this and other disasters, and the Qing administration
did little to relieve the widespread misery caused by them. Economic
tensions, military defeats at Western hands, and anti-Manchu sentiments
all combined to produce widespread unrest, especially in the south.
South China had been the last area to yield to the Qing conquerors and
the first to be exposed to Western influence. It provided a likely
setting for the largest uprising in modern Chinese history--the Taiping
Rebellion.
The Taiping rebels were led by Hong Xiuquan (1814-64), a village
teacher and unsuccessful imperial examination candidate. Hong formulated
an eclectic ideology combining the ideals of preConfucian utopianism
with Protestant beliefs. He soon had a following in the thousands who
were heavily anti-Manchu and antiestablishment . Hong's followers formed
a military organization to protect against bandits and recruited troops
not only among believers but also from among other armed peasant groups
and secret societies. In 1851 Hong Xiuquan and others launched an
uprising in Guizhou Province. Hong proclaimed the Heavenly Kingdom of
Great Peace (Taiping Tianguo, or Taiping for short) with himself as
king. The new order was to reconstitute a legendary ancient state in
which the peasantry owned and tilled the land in common; slavery,
concubinage, arranged marriage, opium smoking, footbinding, judicial
torture, and the worship of idols were all to be eliminated. The Taiping
tolerance of the esoteric rituals and quasi-religious societies of south
China--themselves a threat to Qing stability--and their relentless
attacks on Confucianism--still widely accepted as the moral foundation
of Chinese behavior-- contributed to the ultimate defeat of the
rebellion. Its advocacy of radical social reforms alienated the Han
Chinese scholar-gentry class. The Taiping army, although it had captured
Nanjing and driven as far north as Tianjin, failed to establish stable
base areas. The movement's leaders found themselves in a net of internal
feuds, defections, and corruption. Additionally, British and French
forces, being more willing to deal with the weak Qing administration
than contend with the uncertainties of a Taiping regime, came to the
assistance of the imperial army. Before the Chinese army succeeded in
crushing the revolt, however, 14 years had passed, and well over 30
million people were reported killed.
To defeat the rebellion, the Qing court needed, besides Western help,
an army stronger and more popular than the demoralized imperial forces.
In 1860, scholar-official Zeng Guofan (1811-72), from Hunan Province,
was appointed imperial commissioner and governor-general of the
Taiping-controlled territories and placed in command of the war against
the rebels. Zeng's Hunan army, created and paid for by local taxes,
became a powerful new fighting force under the command of eminent
scholar-generals. Zeng's success gave new power to an emerging Han
Chinese elite and eroded Qing authority. Simultaneous uprisings in north
China (the Nian Rebellion) and southwest China (the Muslim Rebellion)
further demonstrated Qing weakness.
China - The Self-Strengthening Movement
The rude realities of the Opium War, the unequal treaties, and the
mid-century mass uprisings caused Qing courtiers and officials to
recognize the need to strengthen China. Chinese scholars and officials
had been examining and translating "Western learning" since
the 1840s. Under the direction of modern-thinking Han officials, Western
science and languages were studied, special schools were opened in the
larger cities, and arsenals, factories, and shipyards were established
according to Western models. Western diplomatic practices were adopted
by the Qing, and students were sent abroad by the government and on
individual or community initiative in the hope that national
regeneration could be achieved through the application of Western
practical methods.
Amid these activities came an attempt to arrest the dynastic decline
by restoring the traditional order. The effort was known as the Tongzhi
Restoration, named for the Tongzhi Emperor (1862-74), and was engineered
by the young emperor's mother, the Empress Dowager Ci Xi (1835-1908).
The restoration, however, which applied "practical knowledge"
while reaffirming the old mentality, was not a genuine program of
modernization.
The effort to graft Western technology onto Chinese institutions
became known as the Self-Strengthening Movement. The movement was
championed by scholar-generals like Li Hongzhang (1823-1901) and Zuo
Zongtang (1812-85), who had fought with the government forces in the
Taiping Rebellion. From 1861 to 1894, leaders such as these, now turned
scholar-administrators, were responsible for establishing modern
institutions, developing basic industries, communications, and
transportation, and modernizing the military. But despite its leaders'
accomplishments, the SelfStrengthening Movement did not recognize the
significance of the political institutions and social theories that had
fostered Western advances and innovations. This weakness led to the
movement's failure. Modernization during this period would have been
difficult under the best of circumstances. The bureaucracy was still
deeply influenced by Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. Chinese society was still
reeling from the ravages of the Taiping and other rebellions, and
foreign encroachments continued to threaten the integrity of China.
The first step in the foreign powers' effort to carve up the empire
was taken by Russia, which had been expanding into Central Asia. By the
1850s, tsarist troops also had invaded the Heilong Jiang watershed of
Manchuria, from which their countrymen had been ejected under the Treaty
of Nerchinsk. The Russians used the superior knowledge of China they had
acquired through their century-long residence in Beijing to further
their aggrandizement. In 1860 Russian diplomats secured the secession of
all of Manchuria north of the Heilong Jiang and east of the Wusuli Jiang
(Ussuri River). Foreign encroachments increased after 1860 by means of a
series of treaties imposed on China on one pretext or another. The
foreign stranglehold on the vital sectors of the Chinese economy was
reinforced through a lengthening list of concessions. Foreign
settlements in the treaty ports became extraterritorial--sovereign
pockets of territories over which China had no jurisdiction. The safety
of these foreign settlements was ensured by the menacing presence of
warships and gunboats.
At this time the foreign powers also took over the peripheral states
that had acknowledged Chinese suzerainty and given tribute to the
emperor. France colonized Cochin China, as southern Vietnam was then
called, and by 1864 established a protectorate over Cambodia. Following
a victorious war against China in 1884-85, France also took Annam.
Britain gained control over Burma. Russia penetrated into Chinese
Turkestan (the modern-day Xinjiang-Uyghur Autonomous Region). Japan,
having emerged from its century-and-a- half-long seclusion and having
gone through its own modernization movement, defeated China in the war
of 1894-95. The Treaty of Shimonoseki forced China to cede Taiwan and
the Penghu Islands to Japan, pay a huge indemnity, permit the
establishment of Japanese industries in four treaty ports, and recognize
Japanese hegemony over Korea. In 1898 the British acquired a
ninety-nine-year lease over the so-called New Territories of Kowloon
(Jiulong in pinyin), which increased the size of their Hong Kong colony.
Britain, Japan, Russia, Germany, France, and Belgium each gained spheres
of influence in China. The United States, which had not acquired any
territorial cessions, proposed in 1899 that there be an "open
door" policy in China, whereby all foreign countries would have
equal duties and privileges in all treaty ports within and outside the
various spheres of influence. All but Russia agreed to the United States
overture.
China - The Hundred Days' Reform and the Aftermath
In the 103 days from June 11 to September 21, 1898, the Qing emperor,
Guangxu (1875-1908), ordered a series of reforms aimed at making
sweeping social and institutional changes. This effort reflected the
thinking of a group of progressive scholar-reformers who had impressed
the court with the urgency of making innovations for the nation's
survival. Influenced by the Japanese success with modernization, the
reformers declared that China needed more than
"self-strengthening" and that innovation must be accompanied
by institutional and ideological change.
The imperial edicts for reform covered a broad range of subjects,
including stamping out corruption and remaking, among other things, the
academic and civil-service examination systems, legal system,
governmental structure, defense establishment, and postal services. The
edicts attempted to modernize agriculture, medicine, and mining and to
promote practical studies instead of Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. The court
also planned to send students abroad for firsthand observation and
technical studies. All these changes were to be brought about under a de
facto constitutional monarchy.
Opposition to the reform was intense among the conservative ruling
elite, especially the Manchus, who, in condemning the announced reform
as too radical, proposed instead a more moderate and gradualist course
of change. Supported by ultraconservatives and with the tacit support of
the political opportunist Yuan Shikai (1859-1916), Empress Dowager Ci Xi
engineered a coup d'etat on September 21, 1898, forcing the young
reform-minded Guangxu into seclusion. Ci Xi took over the government as
regent. The Hundred Days' Reform ended with the rescindment of the new
edicts and the execution of six of the reform's chief advocates. The two
principal leaders, Kang Youwei (1858-1927) and Liang Qichao (1873-1929),
fled abroad to found the Baohuang Hui (Protect the Emperor Society) and
to work, unsuccessfully, for a constitutional monarchy in China.
The conservatives then gave clandestine backing to the antiforeign
and anti-Christian movement of secret societies known as Yihetuan
(Society of Righteousness and Harmony). The movement has been better
known in the West as the Boxers (from an earlier name--Yihequan,
Righteousness and Harmony Boxers). In 1900 Boxer bands spread over the
north China countryside, burning missionary facilities and killing
Chinese Christians. Finally, in June 1900, the Boxers besieged the
foreign concessions in Beijing and Tianjin, an action that provoked an
allied relief expedition by the offended nations. The Qing declared war
against the invaders, who easily crushed their opposition and occupied
north China. Under the Protocol of 1901, the court was made to consent
to the execution of ten high officials and the punishment of hundreds of
others, expansion of the Legation Quarter, payment of war reparations,
stationing of foreign troops in China, and razing of some Chinese
fortifications.
In the decade that followed, the court belatedly put into effect some
reform measures. These included the abolition of the moribund
Confucian-based examination, educational and military modernization
patterned after the model of Japan, and an experiment, if half-hearted,
in constitutional and parliamentary government. The suddenness and
ambitiousness of the reform effort actually hindered its success. One
effect, to be felt for decades to come, was the establishment of new
armies, which, in turn, gave rise to warlordism.
China - The Republican Revolution of 1911
Failure of reform from the top and the fiasco of the Boxer Uprising
convinced many Chinese that the only real solution lay in outright
revolution, in sweeping away the old order and erecting a new one
patterned preferably after the example of Japan. The revolutionary
leader was Sun Yat-sen (Sun Yixian in pinyin, 1866- 1925), a republican
and anti-Qing activist who became increasingly popular among the overseas
Chinese and Chinese students abroad, especially in
Japan. In 1905 Sun founded the Tongmeng Hui (United League) in Tokyo
with Huang Xing (1874-1916), a popular leader of the Chinese
revolutionary movement in Japan, as his deputy. This movement,
generously supported by overseas Chinese funds, also gained political
support with regional military officers and some of the reformers who
had fled China after the Hundred Days' Reform. Sun's political
philosophy was conceptualized in 1897, first enunciated in Tokyo in
1905, and modified through the early 1920s. It centered on the Three
Principles of the People (san min zhuyi): "nationalism,
democracy, and people's livelihood." The principle of nationalism
called for overthrowing the Manchus and ending foreign hegemony over
China. The second principle, democracy, was used to describe Sun's goal
of a popularly elected republican form of government. People's
livelihood, often referred to as socialism, was aimed at helping the
common people through regulation of the ownership of the means of
production and land.
The republican revolution broke out on October 10, 1911, in Wuchang,
the capital of Hubei Province, among discontented modernized army units
whose anti-Qing plot had been uncovered. It had been preceded by
numerous abortive uprisings and organized protests inside China. The
revolt quickly spread to neighboring cities, and Tongmeng Hui members
throughout the country rose in immediate support of the Wuchang
revolutionary forces. By late November, fifteen of the twenty-four
provinces had declared their independence of the Qing empire. A month
later, Sun Yat-sen returned to China from the United States, where he
had been raising funds among overseas Chinese and American sympathizers.
On January 1, 1912, Sun was inaugurated in Nanjing as the provisional
president of the new Chinese republic. But power in Beijing already had
passed to the commander-in-chief of the imperial army, Yuan Shikai, the
strongest regional military leader at the time. To prevent civil war and
possible foreign intervention from undermining the infant republic, Sun
agreed to Yuan's demand that China be united under a Beijing government
headed by Yuan. On February 12, 1912, the last Manchu emperor, the child
Puyi, abdicated. On March 10, in Beijing, Yuan Shikai was sworn in as
provisional president of the Republic of China.
China - REPUBLICAN CHINA
The republic that Sun Yat-sen and his associates envisioned evolved
slowly. The revolutionists lacked an army, and the power of Yuan Shikai
began to outstrip that of parliament. Yuan revised the constitution at
will and became dictatorial. In August 1912 a new political party was
founded by Song Jiaoren (1882-1913), one of Sun's associates. The party,
the Guomindang (Kuomintang or KMT--the National People's Party,
frequently referred to as the Nationalist Party), was an amalgamation of
small political groups, including Sun's Tongmeng Hui. In the national
elections held in February 1913 for the new bicameral parliament, Song
campaigned against the Yuan administration, and his party won a majority
of seats. Yuan had Song assassinated in March; he had already arranged
the assassination of several pro-revolutionist generals. Animosity
toward Yuan grew. In the summer of 1913 seven southern provinces
rebelled against Yuan. When the rebellion was suppressed, Sun and other
instigators fled to Japan. In October 1913 an intimidated parliament
formally elected Yuan president of the Republic of China, and the major
powers extended recognition to his government. To achieve international
recognition, Yuan Shikai had to agree to autonomy for Outer Mongolia and
Xizang. China was still to be suzerain, but it would have to allow
Russia a free hand in Outer Mongolia and Britain continuance of its
influence in Xizang.
In November Yuan Shikai, legally president, ordered the Guomindang
dissolved and its members removed from parliament. Within a few months,
he suspended parliament and the provincial assemblies and forced the
promulgation of a new constitution, which, in effect, made him president
for life. Yuan's ambitions still were not satisfied, and, by the end of
1915, it was announced that he would reestablish the monarchy.
Widespread rebellions ensued, and numerous provinces declared
independence. With opposition at every quarter and the nation breaking
up into warlord factions, Yuan Shikai died of natural causes in June
1916, deserted by his lieutenants.
China - Nationalism and Communism
After Yuan Shikai's death, shifting alliances of regional warlords
fought for control of the Beijing government. The nation also was
threatened from without by the Japanese. When World War I broke out in
1914, Japan fought on the Allied side and seized German holdings in
Shandong Province. In 1915 the Japanese set before the warlord
government in Beijing the so-called Twenty-One Demands, which would have
made China a Japanese protectorate. The Beijing government rejected some
of these demands but yielded to the Japanese insistence on keeping the
Shandong territory already in its possession. Beijing also recognized
Tokyo's authority over southern Manchuria and eastern Inner Mongolia. In
1917, in secret communiques, Britain, France, and Italy assented to the
Japanese claim in exchange for the Japan's naval action against Germany.
In 1917 China declared war on Germany in the hope of recovering its
lost province, then under Japanese control. But in 1918 the Beijing
government signed a secret deal with Japan accepting the latter's claim
to Shandong. When the Paris peace conference of 1919 confirmed the
Japanese claim to Shandong and Beijing's sellout became public, internal
reaction was shattering. On May 4, 1919, there were massive student
demonstrations against the Beijing government and Japan. The political
fervor, student activism, and iconoclastic and reformist intellectual
currents set in motion by the patriotic student protest developed into a
national awakening known as the May Fourth Movement. The intellectual
milieu in which the May Fourth Movement developed was known as the New
Culture Movement and occupied the period from 1917 to 1923. The student
demonstrations of May 4, 1919 were the high point of the New Culture
Movement, and the terms are often used synonymously. Students returned
from abroad advocating social and political theories ranging from
complete Westernization of China to the socialism that one day would be
adopted by China's communist rulers.
Opposing the Warlords
The May Fourth Movement helped to rekindle the then-fading cause of
republican revolution. In 1917 Sun Yat-sen had become commander-in-chief
of a rival military government in <"http://worldfacts.us/China-Guangzhou.htm"> Guangzhou
in collaboration with
southern warlords. In October 1919 Sun reestablished the Guomindang to
counter the government in Beijing. The latter, under a succession of
warlords, still maintained its facade of legitimacy and its relations
with the West. By 1921 Sun had become president of the southern
government. He spent his remaining years trying to consolidate his
regime and achieve unity with the north. His efforts to obtain aid from
the Western democracies were ignored, however, and in 1921 he turned to
the Soviet Union, which had recently achieved its own revolution. The
Soviets sought to befriend the Chinese revolutionists by offering
scathing attacks on "Western imperialism." But for political
expediency, the Soviet leadership initiated a dual policy of support for
both Sun and the newly established Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The
Soviets hoped for consolidation but were prepared for either side to
emerge victorious. In this way the struggle for power in China began
between the Nationalists and the Communists. In 1922 the
Guomindang-warlord alliance in Guangzhou was ruptured, and Sun fled to
Shanghai. By then Sun saw the need to seek Soviet support for his cause.
In 1923 a joint statement by Sun and a Soviet representative in Shanghai
pledged Soviet assistance for China's national unification. Soviet
advisers--the most prominent of whom was an agent of the Comintern, Mikhail Borodin--began to arrive in China in 1923 to aid
in the reorganization and consolidation of the Guomindang along the
lines of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The CCP was under
Comintern instructions to cooperate with the Guomindang, and its members
were encouraged to join while maintaining their party identities. The
CCP was still small at the time, having a membership of 300 in 1922 and
only 1,500 by 1925. The Guomindang in 1922 already had 150,000 members.
Soviet advisers also helped the Nationalists set up a political
institute to train propagandists in mass mobilization techniques and in
1923 sent Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi in pinyin), one of Sun's
lieutenants from Tongmeng Hui days, for several months' military and
political study in Moscow. After Chiang's return in late 1923, he
participated in the establishment of the Whampoa (Huangpu in pinyin)
Military Academy outside Guangzhou, which was the seat of government
under the Guomindang-CCP alliance. In 1924 Chiang became head of the
academy and began the rise to prominence that would make him Sun's
successor as head of the Guomindang and the unifier of all China under
the right-wing nationalist government.
Sun Yat-sen died of cancer in Beijing in March 1925, but the
Nationalist movement he had helped to initiate was gaining momentum.
During the summer of 1925, Chiang, as commander-in-chief of the National
Revolutionary Army, set out on the long-delayed Northern Expedition
against the northern warlords. Within nine months, half of China had
been conquered. By 1926, however, the Guomindang had divided into left-
and right-wing factions, and the Communist bloc within it was also
growing. In March 1926, after thwarting a kidnapping attempt against
him, Chiang abruptly dismissed his Soviet advisers, imposed restrictions
on CCP members' participation in the top leadership, and emerged as the
preeminent Guomindang leader. The Soviet Union, still hoping to prevent
a split between Chiang and the CCP, ordered Communist underground
activities to facilitate the Northern Expedition, which was finally
launched by Chiang from Guangzhou in July 1926.
In early 1927 the Guomindang-CCP rivalry led to a split in the
revolutionary ranks. The CCP and the left wing of the Guomindang had
decided to move the seat of the Nationalist government from Guangzhou to
Wuhan. But Chiang, whose Northern Expedition was proving successful, set
his forces to destroying the Shanghai CCP apparatus and established an
anti-Communist government at Nanjing in April 1927. There now were three
capitals in China: the internationally recognized warlord regime in
Beijing; the Communist and left-wing Guomindang regime at Wuhan; and the
right-wing civilian-military regime at Nanjing, which would remain the
Nationalist capital for the next decade.
The Comintern cause appeared bankrupt. A new policy was instituted
calling on the CCP to foment armed insurrections in both urban and rural
areas in preparation for an expected rising tide of revolution.
Unsuccessful attempts were made by Communists to take cities such as
Nanchang, Changsha, Shantou, and Guangzhou, and an armed rural
insurrection, known as the Autumn Harvest Uprising, was staged by
peasants in Hunan Province. The insurrection was led by Mao Zedong
(1893-1976), who would later become chairman of the CCP and head of
state of the People's Republic of China. Mao was of peasant origins and
was one of the founders of the CCP.
But in mid-1927 the CCP was at a low ebb. The Communists had been
expelled from Wuhan by their left-wing Guomindang allies, who in turn
were toppled by a military regime. By 1928 all of China was at least
nominally under Chiang's control, and the Nanjing government received
prompt international recognition as the sole legitimate government of
China. The Nationalist government announced that in conformity with Sun
Yat-sen's formula for the three stages of revolution--military
unification, political tutelage, and constitutional democracy--China had
reached the end of the first phase and would embark on the second, which
would be under Guomindang direction.
The decade of 1928-37 was one of consolidation and accomplishment by
the Guomindang. Some of the harsh aspects of foreign concessions and
privileges in China were moderated through diplomacy. The government
acted energetically to modernize the legal and penal systems, stabilize
prices, amortize debts, reform the banking and currency systems, build
railroads and highways, improve public health facilities, legislate
against traffic in narcotics, and augment industrial and agricultural
production. Great strides also were made in education and, in an effort
to help unify Chinese society, in a program to popularize the national
language and overcome dialectal variations. The widespread establishment
of communications facilities further encouraged a sense of unity and
pride among the people.
There were forces at work during this period of progress that would
eventually undermine the Chiang Kai-shek government. The first was the
gradual rise of the Communists.
Mao Zedong, who had become a Marxist at the time of the emergence of
the May Fourth Movement (he was working as a librarian at Beijing
University), had boundless faith in the revolutionary potential of the
peasantry. He advocated that revolution in China focus on them rather
than on the urban proletariat, as prescribed by orthodox
Marxist-Leninist theoreticians. Despite the failure of the Autumn
Harvest Uprising of 1927, Mao continued to work among the peasants of
Hunan Province. Without waiting for the sanction of the CCP center, then
in Shanghai, he began establishing peasantbased soviets (Communist-run
local governments) along the border between Hunan and Jiangxi provinces.
In collaboration with military commander Zhu De (1886-1976), Mao turned
the local peasants into a politicized guerrilla force. By the winter of
1927-28, the combined "peasants' and workers'" army had some
10,000 troops.
Mao's prestige rose steadily after the failure of the
Comintern-directed urban insurrections. In late 1931 he was able to
proclaim the establishment of the Chinese Soviet Republic under his
chairmanship in Ruijin, Jiangxi Province. The Soviet-oriented CCP
Political Bureau came to Ruijin at Mao's invitation with the intent of
dismantling his apparatus. But, although he had yet to gain membership
in the Political Bureau, Mao dominated the proceedings.
In the early 1930s, amid continued Political Bureau opposition to his
military and agrarian policies and the deadly annihilation campaigns
being waged against the Red Army by Chiang Kai-shek's forces, Mao's
control of the Chinese Communist movement increased. The epic Long March
of his Red Army and its supporters, which began in October 1934, would
ensure his place in history. Forced to evacuate their camps and homes,
Communist soldiers and government and party leaders and functionaries
numbering about 100,000 (including only 35 women, the spouses of high
leaders) set out on a circuitous retreat of some 12,500 kilometers
through 11 provinces, 18 mountain ranges, and 24 rivers in southwest and
northwest China. During the Long March, Mao finally gained unchallenged
command of the CCP, ousting his rivals and reasserting guerrilla
strategy. As a final destination, he selected southern Shaanxi Province,
where some 8,000 survivors of the original group from Jiangxi Province
(joined by some 22,000 from other areas) arrived in October 1935. The
Communists set up their headquarters at Yan'an, where the movement would
grow rapidly for the next ten years. Contributing to this growth would
be a combination of internal and external circumstances, of which
aggression by the Japanese was perhaps the most significant. Conflict
with Japan, which would continue from the 1930s to the end of World War
II, was the other force (besides the Communists themselves) that would
undermine the Nationalist government.
Few Chinese had any illusions about Japanese designs on China. Hungry
for raw materials and pressed by a growing population, Japan initiated
the seizure of Manchuria in September 1931 and established ex-Qing
emperor Puyi as head of the puppet regime of Manchukuo in 1932. The loss
of Manchuria, and its vast potential for industrial development and war
industries, was a blow to the Nationalist economy. The League of
Nations, established at the end of World War I, was unable to act in the
face of the Japanese defiance. The Japanese began to push from south of
the Great Wall into northern China and into the coastal provinces.
Chinese fury against Japan was predictable, but anger was also directed
against the Guomindang government, which at the time was more
preoccupied with anti-Communist extermination campaigns than with
resisting the Japanese invaders. The importance of "internal unity
before external danger" was forcefully brought home in December
1936, when Nationalist troops (who had been ousted from Manchuria by the
Japanese) mutinied at Xi'an. The mutineers forcibly detained Chiang
Kai-shek for several days until he agreed to cease hostilities against
the Communist forces in northwest China and to assign Communist units
combat duties in designated anti-Japanese front areas.
The Chinese resistance stiffened after July 7, 1937, when a clash
occurred between Chinese and Japanese troops outside Beijing (then
renamed Beiping) near the Marco Polo Bridge. This skirmish not only
marked the beginning of open, though undeclared, war between China and
Japan but also hastened the formal announcement of the second
Guomindang-CCP united front against Japan. The collaboration took place
with salutary effects for the beleaguered CCP. The distrust between the
two parties, however, was scarcely veiled. The uneasy alliance began to
break down after late 1938, despite Japan's steady territorial gains in
northern China, the coastal regions, and the rich Chang Jiang Valley in
central China. After 1940, conflicts between the Nationalists and
Communists became more frequent in the areas not under Japanese control.
The Communists expanded their influence wherever opportunities presented
themselves through mass organizations, administrative reforms, and the
land- and tax-reform measures favoring the peasants--while the
Nationalists attempted to neutralize the spread of Communist influence.
At Yan'an and elsewhere in the "liberated areas," Mao was
able to adapt Marxism-Leninism to Chinese conditions. He taught party
cadres to lead the masses by living and working with them, eating their
food, and thinking their thoughts. The Red Army fostered an image of
conducting guerrilla warfare in defense of the people. Communist troops
adapted to changing wartime conditions and became a seasoned fighting
force. Mao also began preparing for the establishment of a new China. In
1940 he outlined the program of the Chinese Communists for an eventual
seizure of power. His teachings became the central tenets of the CCP
doctrine that came to be formalized as Mao Zedong Thought. With skillful
organizational and propaganda work, the Communists increased party
membership from 100,000 in 1937 to 1.2 million by 1945.
In 1945 China emerged from the war nominally a great military power
but actually a nation economically prostrate and on the verge of all-out
civil war. The economy deteriorated, sapped by the military demands of
foreign war and internal strife, by spiraling inflation, and by
Nationalist profiteering, speculation, and hoarding. Starvation came in
the wake of the war, and millions were rendered homeless by floods and
the unsettled conditions in many parts of the country. The situation was
further complicated by an Allied agreement at the Yalta Conference in
February 1945 that brought Soviet troops into Manchuria to hasten the
termination of war against Japan. Although the Chinese had not been
present at Yalta, they had been consulted; they had agreed to have the
Soviets enter the war in the belief that the Soviet Union would deal
only with the Nationalist government. After the war, the Soviet Union,
as part of the Yalta agreement's allowing a Soviet sphere of influence
in Manchuria, dismantled and removed more than half the industrial
equipment left there by the Japanese. The Soviet presence in northeast
China enabled the Communists to move in long enough to arm themselves
with the equipment surrendered by the withdrawing Japanese army. The
problems of rehabilitating the formerly Japanese-occupied areas and of
reconstructing the nation from the ravages of a protracted war were
staggering, to say the least.
China - Return to Civil War
During World War II, the United States emerged as a major actor in
Chinese affairs. As an ally it embarked in late 1941 on a program of
massive military and financial aid to the hard-pressed Nationalist
government. In January 1943 the United States and Britain led the way in
revising their treaties with China, bringing to an end a century of
unequal treaty relations. Within a few months, a new agreement was
signed between the United States and China for the stationing of
American troops in China for the common war effort against Japan. In
December 1943 the Chinese exclusion acts of the 1880s and subsequent
laws enacted by the United States Congress to restrict Chinese
immigration into the United States were repealed.
The wartime policy of the United States was initially to help China
become a strong ally and a stabilizing force in postwar East Asia. As
the conflict between the Nationalists and the Communists intensified,
however, the United States sought unsuccessfully to reconcile the rival
forces for a more effective anti-Japanese war effort. Toward the end of
the war, United States Marines were used to hold Beiping and Tianjin
against a possible Soviet incursion, and logistic support was given to
Nationalist forces in north and northeast China.
Through the mediatory influence of the United States a military truce
was arranged in January 1946, but battles between Nationalists and
Communists soon resumed. Realizing that American efforts short of
large-scale armed intervention could not stop the war, the United States
withdrew the American mission, headed by General George C. Marshall, in
early 1947. The civil war, in which the United States aided the
Nationalists with massive economic loans but no military support, became
more widespread. Battles raged not only for territories but also for the
allegiance of cross sections of the population.
Belatedly, the Nationalist government sought to enlist popular
support through internal reforms. The effort was in vain, however,
because of the rampant corruption in government and the accompanying
political and economic chaos. By late 1948 the Nationalist position was
bleak. The demoralized and undisciplined Nationalist troops proved no
match for the People's Liberation Army (PLA). The Communists were well
established in the north and northeast. Although the Nationalists had an
advantage in numbers of men and weapons, controlled a much larger
territory and population than their adversaries, and enjoyed
considerable international support, they were exhausted by the long war
with Japan and the attendant internal responsibilities. In January 1949
Beiping was taken by the Communists without a fight, and its name
changed back to Beijing. Between April and November, major cities passed
from Guomindang to Communist control with minimal resistance. In most
cases the surrounding countryside and small towns had come under
Communist influence long before the cities. After Chiang Kai-shek and a
few hundred thousand Nationalist troops fled from the mainland to the
island of Taiwan, there remained only isolated pockets of resistance. In
December 1949 Chiang proclaimed Taipei, Taiwan, the temporary capital of
China.
China - THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
On October 1, 1949, the People's Republic of China was formally
established, with its national capital at Beijing. "The Chinese
people have stood up!" declared Mao as he announced the creation of
a "people's democratic dictatorship." The people were
defined as a coalition of four social classes: the workers, the
peasants, the petite bourgeoisie, and the national-capitalists. The four
classes were to be led by the CCP, as the vanguard of the working class.
At that time the CCP claimed a membership of 4.5 million, of which
members of peasant origin accounted for nearly 90 percent. The party was
under Mao's chairmanship, and the government was headed by Zhou Enlai
(1898-1976) as premier of the State Administrative Council (the
predecessor of the State Council).
The Soviet Union recognized the People's Republic on October 2, 1949.
Earlier in the year, Mao had proclaimed his policy of "leaning to
one side" as a commitment to the socialist bloc. In February 1950,
after months of hard bargaining, China and the Soviet Union signed the
Treaty of Friendship, Alliance, and Mutual Assistance, valid until 1980.
The pact also was intended to counter Japan or any power's joining Japan
for the purpose of aggression.
For the first time in decades a Chinese government was met with
peace, instead of massive military opposition, within its territory. The
new leadership was highly disciplined and, having a decade of wartime
administrative experience to draw on, was able to embark on a program of
national integration and reform. In the first year of Communist
administration, moderate social and economic policies were implemented
with skill and effectiveness. The leadership realized that the
overwhelming and multitudinous task of economic reconstruction and
achievement of political and social stability required the goodwill and
cooperation of all classes of people. Results were impressive by any
standard, and popular support was widespread.
By 1950 international recognition of the Communist government had
increased considerably, but it was slowed by China's involvement in the
Korean War. In October 1950, sensing a threat to the industrial
heartland in northeast China from the advancing United Nations (UN)
forces in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea), units
of the PLA--calling themselves the Chinese People's Volunteers--crossed
the Yalu Jiang River into North Korea in response to a North Korean
request for aid. Almost simultaneously the PLA forces also marched into
Xizang to reassert Chinese sovereignty over a region that had been in
effect independent of Chinese rule since the fall of the Qing dynasty in
1911. In 1951 the UN declared China to be an aggressor in Korea and
sanctioned a global embargo on the shipment of arms and war materiel to
China. This step foreclosed for the time being any possibility that the
People's Republic might replace Nationalist China (on Taiwan) as a
member of the UN and as a veto-holding member of the UN Security
Council.
After China entered the Korean War, the initial moderation in Chinese
domestic policies gave way to a massive campaign against the
"enemies of the state," actual and potential. These enemies
consisted of "war criminals, traitors, bureaucratic capitalists,
and counterrevolutionaries." The campaign was combined with
partysponsored trials attended by huge numbers of people. The major
targets in this drive were foreigners and Christian missionaries who
were branded as United States agents at these mass trials. The 1951-52
drive against political enemies was accompanied by land reform, which
had actually begun under the Agrarian Reform Law of June 28, 1950. The
redistribution of land was accelerated, and a class struggle against
landlords and wealthy peasants was launched. An ideological reform
campaign requiring self-criticisms and public confessions by university
faculty members, scientists, and other professional workers was given
wide publicity. Artists and writers were soon the objects of similar
treatment for failing to heed Mao's dictum that culture and literature
must reflect the class interest of the working people, led by the CCP.
These campaigns were accompanied in 1951 and 1952 by the san fan
("three anti") and wu fan ("five anti")
movements. The former was directed ostensibly against the evils of
"corruption, waste, and bureaucratism"; its real aim was to
eliminate incompetent and politically unreliable public officials and to
bring about an efficient, disciplined, and responsive bureaucratic
system. The wu fan movement aimed at eliminating recalcitrant
and corrupt businessmen and industrialists, who were in effect the
targets of the CCP's condemnation of "tax evasion, bribery,
cheating in government contracts, thefts of economic intelligence, and
stealing of state assets." In the course of this campaign the party
claimed to have uncovered a well-organized attempt by businessmen and
industrialists to corrupt party and government officials. This charge
was enlarged into an assault on the bourgeoisie as a whole. The number
of people affected by the various punitive or reform campaigns was
estimated in the millions.
China - The Transition to Socialism, 1953-57
The period of officially designated "transition to
socialism" corresponded to China's First Five-Year Plan (1953-57).
The period was characterized by efforts to achieve industrialization,
collectivization of agriculture, and political centralization.
The First Five-Year Plan stressed the development of heavy industry
on the Soviet model. Soviet economic and technical assistance was
expected to play a significant part in the implementation of the plan,
and technical agreements were signed with the Soviets in 1953 and 1954.
For the purpose of economic planning, the first modern census was taken
in 1953; the population of mainland China was shown to be 583 million, a
figure far greater than had been anticipated.
Among China's most pressing needs in the early 1950s were food for
its burgeoning population, domestic capital for investment, and purchase
of Soviet-supplied technology, capital equipment, and military hardware.
To satisfy these needs, the government began to collectivize
agriculture. Despite internal disagreement as to the speed of
collectivization, which at least for the time being was resolved in
Mao's favor, preliminary collectivization was 90 percent completed by
the end of 1956. In addition, the government nationalized banking,
industry, and trade. Private enterprise in mainland China was virtually
abolished.
Major political developments included the centralization of party and
government administration. Elections were held in 1953 for delegates to
the First National People's Congress, China's national legislature,
which met in 1954. The congress promulgated the state constitution of
1954 and formally elected Mao chairman (or president) of the People's
Republic; it elected Liu Shaoqi (1898-1969) chairman of the Standing
Committee of the National People's Congress; and named Zhou Enlai
premier of the new State Council.
In the midst of these major governmental changes, and helping to
precipitate them, was a power struggle within the CCP leading to the
1954 purge of Political Bureau member Gao Gang and Party Organization
Department head Rao Shushi, who were accused of illicitly trying to
seize control of the party.
The process of national integration also was characterized by
improvements in party organization under the administrative direction of
the secretary general of the party Deng Xiaoping (who served
concurrently as vice premier of the State Council). There was a marked
emphasis on recruiting intellectuals, who by 1956 constituted nearly 12
percent of the party's 10.8 million members. Peasant membership had
decreased to 69 percent, while there was an increasing number of
"experts", who were needed for the party and governmental
infrastructures, in the party ranks.
As part of the effort to encourage the participation of intellectuals
in the new regime, in mid-1956 there began an official effort to
liberalize the political climate. Cultural and intellectual figures were
encouraged to speak their minds on the state of CCP rule and programs.
Mao personally took the lead in the movement, which was launched under
the classical slogan "Let a hundred flowers bloom, let the hundred
schools of thought contend." At first the party's repeated
invitation to air constructive views freely and openly was met with
caution. By mid-1957, however, the movement unexpectedly mounted,
bringing denunciation and criticism against the party in general and the
excesses of its cadres in particular. Startled and embarrassed, leaders
turned on the critics as "bourgeois rightists" and launched
the Anti-Rightist Campaign. The Hundred Flowers Campaign, sometimes
called the Double Hundred Campaign, apparently had a sobering effect on
the CCP leadership.
China - The Great Leap Forward, 1958-60
The antirightist drive was followed by a militant approach toward
economic development. In 1958 the CCP launched the Great Leap Forward
campaign under the new "General Line for Socialist
Construction." The Great Leap Forward was aimed at accomplishing
the economic and technical development of the country at a vastly faster
pace and with greater results. The shift to the left that the new
"General Line" represented was brought on by a combination of
domestic and external factors. Although the party leaders appeared
generally satisfied with the accomplishments of the First Five-Year
Plan, they--Mao and his fellow radicals in particular-- believed that
more could be achieved in the Second Five-Year Plan (1958-62) if the
people could be ideologically aroused and if domestic resources could be
utilized more efficiently for the simultaneous development of industry
and agriculture. These assumptions led the party to an intensified
mobilization of the peasantry and mass organizations, stepped-up
ideological guidance and indoctrination of technical experts, and
efforts to build a more responsive political system. The last of these
undertakings was to be accomplished through a new xiafang (down
to the countryside) movement, under which cadres inside and outside the
party would be sent to factories, communes, mines, and public works
projects for manual labor and firsthand familiarization with grassroots
conditions. Although evidence is sketchy, Mao's decision to embark on
the Great Leap Forward was based in part on his uncertainty about the
Soviet policy of economic, financial, and technical assistance to China.
That policy, in Mao's view, not only fell far short of his expectations
and needs but also made him wary of the political and economic
dependence in which China might find itself .
The Great Leap Forward centered on a new socioeconomic and political
system created in the countryside and in a few urban areas--the people's
communes. By the fall of 1958, some 750,000 agricultural producers'
cooperatives, now designated as production brigades, had been
amalgamated into about 23,500 communes, each averaging 5,000 households,
or 22,000 people. The individual commune was placed in control of all
the means of production and was to operate as the sole accounting unit;
it was subdivided into production brigades (generally coterminous with
traditional villages) and production teams. Each commune was planned as
a self-supporting community for agriculture, small-scale local industry
(for example, the famous backyard pig-iron furnaces), schooling,
marketing, administration, and local security (maintained by militia
organizations). Organized along paramilitary and laborsaving lines, the
commune had communal kitchens, mess halls, and nurseries. In a way, the
people's communes constituted a fundamental attack on the institution of
the family, especially in a few model areas where radical experiments in
communal living-- large dormitories in place of the traditional nuclear
family housing-- occurred. (These were quickly dropped.) The system also
was based on the assumption that it would release additional manpower
for such major projects as irrigation works and hydroelectric dams,
which were seen as integral parts of the plan for the simultaneous
development of industry and agriculture.
The Great Leap Forward was an economic failure. In early 1959, amid
signs of rising popular restiveness, the CCP admitted that the favorable
production report for 1958 had been exaggerated. Among the Great Leap
Forward's economic consequences were a shortage of food (in which
natural disasters also played a part); shortages of raw materials for
industry; overproduction of poor-quality goods; deterioration of
industrial plants through mismanagement; and exhaustion and
demoralization of the peasantry and of the intellectuals, not to mention
the party and government cadres at all levels. Throughout 1959 efforts
to modify the administration of the communes got under way; these were
intended partly to restore some material incentives to the production
brigades and teams, partly to decentralize control, and partly to house
families that had been reunited as household units.
Political consequences were not inconsiderable. In April 1959 Mao,
who bore the chief responsibility for the Great Leap Forward fiasco,
stepped down from his position as chairman of the People's Republic. The
National People's Congress elected Liu Shaoqi as Mao's successor, though
Mao remained chairman of the CCP. Moreover, Mao's Great Leap Forward
policy came under open criticism at a party conference at Lushan,
Jiangxi Province. The attack was led by Minister of National Defense
Peng Dehuai, who had become troubled by the potentially adverse effect
Mao's policies would have on the modernization of the armed forces. Peng
argued that "putting politics in command" was no substitute
for economic laws and realistic economic policy; unnamed party leaders
were also admonished for trying to "jump into communism in one
step." After the Lushan showdown, Peng Dehuai, who allegedly had
been encouraged by Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev to oppose Mao, was
deposed. Peng was replaced by Lin Biao, a radical and opportunist
Maoist. The new defense minister initiated a systematic purge of Peng's
supporters from the military.
Militancy on the domestic front was echoed in external policies. The
"soft" foreign policy based on the Five Principles of Peaceful
Coexistence to which China had subscribed in the mid-1950s gave way to a
"hard" line in 1958. From August through October of that year,
the Chinese resumed a massive artillery bombardment of the
Nationalist-held offshore islands of Jinmen (Chin-men in Wade Giles but
often referred to as Kinmen or Quemoy) and Mazu (Ma-tsu in Wade-Giles).
This was accompanied by an aggressive propaganda assault on the United
States and a declaration of intent to "liberate" Taiwan.
Chinese control over Xizang had been reasserted in 1950. The
socialist revolution that took place thereafter increasingly became a
process of sinicization for the Tibetans. Tension culminated in a revolt
in 1958-59 and the flight to India by the Dalai Lama, the Tibetans'
spiritual and de facto temporal leader. Relations with India--where
sympathy for the rebels was aroused--deteriorated as thousands of
Tibetan refugees crossed the Indian border. There were several border
incidents in 1959, and a brief Sino-Indian border war erupted in October
1962 as China laid claim to Aksai Chin, nearly 103,600 square kilometers
of territory that India regarded as its own. The Soviet Union gave India its moral support
in the dispute, thus contributing to the growing tension between Beijing
and Moscow.
The Sino-Soviet dispute of the late 1950s was the most important
development in Chinese foreign relations. The Soviet Union had been
China's principal benefactor and ally, but relations between the two
were cooling. The Soviet agreement in late 1957 to help China produce
its own nuclear weapons and missiles was terminated by mid-1959. From
that point until the mid-1960s, the Soviets recalled all of their
technicians and advisers from China and reduced or canceled economic and
technical aid to China. The discord was occasioned by several factors.
The two countries differed in their interpretation of the nature of
"peaceful coexistence." The Chinese took a more militant and
unyielding position on the issue of anti-imperialist struggle, but the
Soviets were unwilling, for example, to give their support on the Taiwan
question. In addition, the two communist powers disagreed on doctrinal
matters. The Chinese accused the Soviets of "revisionism"; the
latter countered with charges of "dogmatism." Rivalry within
the international communist movement also exacerbated Sino-Soviet
relations. An additional complication was the history of suspicion each
side had toward the other, especially the Chinese, who had lost a
substantial part of territory to tsarist Russia in the mid-nineteenth
century. Whatever the causes of the dispute, the Soviet suspension of
aid was a blow to the Chinese scheme for developing industrial and
high-level (including nuclear) technology.
China - Readjustment and Recovery, 1961-65
In the early 1960s, Mao was on the political sidelines and in
semiseclusion. By 1962, however, he began an offensive to purify the
party, having grown increasingly uneasy about what he believed were the
creeping "capitalist" and antisocialist tendencies in the
country. As a hardened veteran revolutionary who had overcome the
severest adversities, Mao continued to believe that the material
incentives that had been restored to the peasants and others were
corrupting the masses and were counterrevolutionary.
To arrest the so-called capitalist trend, Mao launched the Socialist
Education Movement, in which the primary emphasis was on restoring
ideological purity, reinfusing revolutionary fervor into the party and
government bureaucracies, and intensifying class struggle. There were
internal disagreements, however, not on the aim of the movement but on
the methods of carrying it out. Opposition came mainly from the
moderates represented by Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, who were
unsympathetic to Mao's policies. The Socialist Education Movement was
soon paired with another Mao campaign, the theme of which was "to
learn from the People's Liberation Army." Minister of National
Defense Lin Biao's rise to the center of power was increasingly
conspicuous. It was accompanied by his call on the PLA and the CCP to
accentuate Maoist thought as the guiding principle for the Socialist
Education Movement and for all revolutionary undertakings in China.
In connection with the Socialist Education Movement, a thorough
reform of the school system, which had been planned earlier to coincide
with the Great Leap Forward, went into effect. The reform was intended
as a work-study program--a new xiafang movement--in which
schooling was slated to accommodate the work schedule of communes and
factories. It had the dual purpose of providing mass education less
expensively than previously and of re-educating intellectuals and
scholars to accept the need for their own participation in manual labor.
The drafting of intellectuals for manual labor was part of the party's
rectification campaign, publicized through the mass media as an effort
to remove "bourgeois" influences from professional workers--
particularly, their tendency to have greater regard for their own
specialized fields than for the goals of the party. Official propaganda
accused them of being more concerned with having "expertise"
than being "red".
The Militant Phase, 1966-68
By mid-1965 Mao had gradually but systematically regained control of
the party with the support of Lin Biao, Jiang Qing (Mao's fourth wife),
and Chen Boda, a leading theoretician. In late 1965 a leading member of
Mao's "Shanghai Mafia," Yao Wenyuan, wrote a thinly veiled
attack on the deputy mayor of Beijing, Wu Han. In the next six months,
under the guise of upholding ideological purity, Mao and his supporters
purged or attacked a wide variety of public figures, including State
Chairman Liu Shaoqi and other party and state leaders. By mid-1966 Mao's
campaign had erupted into what came to be known as the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution, the first mass action to have emerged against the
CCP apparatus itself.
Considerable intraparty opposition to the Cultural Revolution was
evident. On the one side was the Mao-Lin Biao group, supported by the
PLA; on the other side was a faction led by Liu Shaoqi and Deng
Xiaoping, which had its strength in the regular party machine. Premier
Zhou Enlai, while remaining personally loyal to Mao, tried to mediate or
to reconcile the two factio