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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Turkmenistan
Index
Although it is not a basis for political groupings, the rather vague
phenomenon of tribal identity is a complex social phenomenon that retains
important influence at the end of the twentieth century. The Soviet era
added an element of cohesion to a previously loose and unassertive set of
social loyalties among Turkmen.
Social Classes
Turkmen society recognizes a class structure, ideologically based on
Marxist doctrine, composed of intelligentsia, workers, and peasants. In
practical terms, the intelligentsia and peasantry consist of Turkmen,
while the worker class is the domain of Russians. Power and some wealth
are associated with the Western-oriented intelligentsia, who hold the key
positions in government, industry, and education. Most intelligentsia are
educated in Russian language schools, often complete higher educational
institutions in Russia, speak Russian as their language of choice, and are
concentrated in urban centers, especially in Ashgabat.
Although many members of the intelligentsia favor cultural revival,
more support restricting nationalist manifestations and the role of Islam
in society. Many who are atheists and have identified with Soviet ideals
harbor anxieties that distance from traditional values and especially from
the Turkmen language will limit their career potential in the post-Soviet
era.
Kinship
Before the Soviet period, the Turkmen were organized into a segmentary
system of territorial groups that Western scholars loosely designate as
tribes. These groupings featured little sharp social stratification within
or strong unity among them. Tribal structure always has been complex, and
the Turkmen-language terminology used to designate lineage affiliation
sometimes is confusing. Generally, the largest groupings, which may be
equivalent to what Western scholarship labels "tribes," are
called khalk , il , or taipa in Turkmen.
Smaller lineage groups are equivalent to Western terms like "clans,"
"subtribes," or "branches." The smallest affiliations
are equivalent to subclans or lineages in Western terminology.
In the past, Turkmen tribes remained relatively isolated and
politically independent from one another. All tribes possessed specific
distinguishing features. Their dialects differed greatly, and in terms of
material culture each large tribe had a unique carpet pattern, clothing,
headgear, and brand of identification.
Although Soviet nationality policy was somewhat successful in diluting
tribal consciousness, tribal identity remains a factor in present-day
social relations. Except in such urban areas as Chärjew and Ashgabat,
virtually all Turkmen have a knowledge of their parents' and consequently
their own tribal affiliation. A Turkmen's tribal affiliation still is a
reliable indicator of his or her birthplace, for example. Lineage still
may play a role in the arranging of marriages in rural areas. In Soviet
Turkmenistan, the membership of collective and state farms often was
formed according to clan and tribal affiliation. Although kinship
undoubtedly retains significance in contemporary Turkmen society, attempts
to use tribal affiliation as the determining factor in such realms as
current politics usually are not instructive.
Until the Soviet period, the Turkmen lacked paramount leaders and
political unity. The Turkmen rarely allied to campaign against sedentary
neighbors, nor did they form a unified front against the Russian conquest.
Unlike other Central Asian peoples, the Turkmen recognized no charismatic
bloodline. Leaders were elected according to consensus, and their
authority was based on conduct. Raids and other military pursuits could be
organized by almost any male, but the power he exercised lasted only as
long as the undertaking. Turkmen tribal structure did include a leader or
chief (beg ), but these positions, too, were mostly honorary and
advisory, based on kinship ties and perceived wisdom. Real power was
located among the community's older members, whose advice and consent
usually were required prior to any significant endeavor. Although women
rarely assumed prominent political rank and power, there were instances of
influential female leaders in the nineteenth century.
The Family
Prior to Soviet rule, the extended family was the basic and most
important social and economic unit among the Turkmen. Grouped according to
clan, small bands of Turkmen families lived as nomads in their traditional
regions and consolidated only in time of war or celebration. In most
cases, the families were entirely self-sufficient, subsisting on their
livestock and at times on modest agricultural production. For some groups,
raiding sedentary populations, especially the Iranians to the south, was
an important economic activity.
Although Soviet power brought about fundamental changes in the Turkmen
family structure, many traditional aspects remain. Families continue to be
close-knit and often raise more than five children. Although no longer
nomadic, families in rural areas still are grouped according to clan or
tribe, and it is the rule rather than the exception for the inhabitants of
a village to be of one lineage. Here, also, it is common for sons to
remain with their parents after marriage and to live in an extended
one-story clay structure with a courtyard and an agricultural plot. In
both rural and urban areas, respect for elders is great. Whereas homes for
the elderly do exist in Turkmenistan, Turkmen are conspicuously absent
from them; it is almost unheard of for a Turkmen to commit his or her
parent to such an institution because grandparents are considered integral
family members and sources of wisdom and spirituality.
The marriage celebration, together with other life-cycle events,
possesses great importance in Turkmen society. In rural areas especially,
marriages are often arranged by special matchmakers (sawcholar
). Aside from finding the right match in terms of social status,
education, and other qualities, the matchmakers invariably must find
couples of the same clan and locale. Most couples have known each other
beforehand and freely consent to the marriage arrangement. Divorce among
Turkmen is relatively rare. One important custom still practiced in
Turkmenistan is the brideprice (kalong ). Depending on region
and a family's wealth, the bride's family may demand huge sums of money
from the groom in return for the bride's hand in marriage.
The role of women in Turkmen society has never conformed to Western
stereotypes about "Muslim women." Although a division of labor
has existed and women usually were not visible actors in political affairs
outside the home, Turkmen women never wore the veil or practiced strict
seclusion. They generally possessed a host of highly specialized skills
and crafts, especially those connected with the household and its
maintenance. During the Soviet period, women assumed responsibility for
the observance of some Muslim rites to protect their husbands' careers.
Many women entered the work force out of economic necessity, a factor that
disrupted some traditional family practices and increased the incidence of
divorce. At the same time, educated urban women entered professional
services and careers.
Data as of March 1996
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