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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Tajikistan
Index
Preservation of internal security was impossible during the civil war,
whose concomitant disorder promoted the activities of numerous illegal
groups. Because of Tajikistan's location, the international narcotics
trade found these conditions especially inviting in the early and
mid-1990s.
Security Organizations
When Tajikistan was part of the Soviet Union, the republic's Committee
for State Security (KGB) was an integral part of the Soviet-wide KGB.
Neither the administration nor the majority of personnel were Tajik. When
Tajikistan became independent, the organization was renamed the Committee
of National Security and a Tajik, Alimjon Solehboyev, was put in charge.
In 1995 the committee received full cabinet status as the Ministry of
Security.
Police powers are divided between the forces of the Ministry of
Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Security. The two most significant
characteristics of the current system are the failure to observe the laws
that are on the books in political cases and the penetration of the
current regime by criminal elements.
Narcotics
In the last years of the Soviet Union and in the Russian Federation of
the mid-1990s, the issue of drug trafficking was embroiled in political
rhetoric and public prejudices. The Yeltsin administration used the
combined threats of narcotics and Islamic fundamentalism to justify
Russian military involvement in Tajikistan, and the Rahmonov regime used
accusations of drug crimes to justify the repression of domestic political
opponents.
Despite the presence of Russian border guards, the border between
Afghanistan and Tajikistan has proved easily penetrable by narcotics
smugglers, for whom the lack of stable law enforcement on both sides of
the boundary provides great opportunities. For some Central Asians, the
opium trade has assumed great economic importance in the difficult times
of the post-Soviet era. An established transit line moves opium from
Afghanistan and Pakistan to Khorugh in Tajikistan's Gorno-Badakhshan
Autonomous Province, from which it moves to Dushanbe and then to Osh on
the Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan border. The ultimate destination of much of the
narcotics passing through Tajikistan is a burgeoning market in Moscow and
other Russian cities, as well as some markets in Western Europe and in
other CIS nations. Besides Pakistan and Afghanistan, sources have been
identified in Russia, Western Europe, Colombia, and Southeast Asia. A
shipment of heroin was confiscated for the first time in 1995; previously,
traffic apparently had been limited to opium and hashish.
An organized-crime network reportedly has developed around the Moscow
narcotics market; Russian border guards, members of the CIS peacekeeping
force, and senior Tajikistani government officials reportedly are involved
in this activity. Besides corruption, enforcement has been hampered by
antiquated Soviet-era laws and a lack of funding. In 1995 the number of
drug arrests increased, but more than two-thirds were for cultivation;
only twenty were for the sale of drugs. A national drug-control plan was
under government consideration in early 1996. Regional drug-control
cooperation broke down after independence. In 1995 the Tajikistani
government planned to implement a new regional program, based in the UN
Drug Control Program office in Tashkent, for drug interdiction along the
Murghob-Osh-Andijon overland route. The Ministry of Internal Affairs, the
customs authorities, the Ministry of Health, and the procurator general
all have responsibilities in drug interdiction, but there are no formal
lines of interagency cooperation.
Criminal Justice and the Penal System
Independent Tajikistan's system of courts and police evolved from the
institutional framework established in the Soviet era. The judiciary is
not fully independent; the 1994 constitution gives the president the power
to remove judges from office. In the wake of the victors' wave of violence
against actual or potential supporters of the opposition at the end of the
civil war, the post-civil war regime continued to ignore due process of
law in dealing with opposition supporters. Numerous opposition figures
were arrested and held without trial for prolonged periods;
representatives of the International Committee of the Red Cross and
Helsinki Watch were not permitted to see political prisoners.
Extrajudicial killings, disappearances, warrantless searches, the probable
planting of incriminating evidence, arrests for conduct that was not
illegal, and physical abuse of prisoners were all part of the new regime's
treatment of opposition supporters. The regime established its own secret
prisons for those held on political charges.
In the new government installed at the end of the civil war, the
minister of internal affairs, hence the national head of police, was Yaqub
Salimov, who had no law enforcement experience and himself had led a
criminal gang. Salimov was an associate of Sangak Safarov, a top
antireformist military leader who also had an extensive criminal record.
Salimov used his law enforcement position to shield his criminal
confederates and to intimidate other members of the cabinet. In 1995
President Rahmonov finally maneuvered Salimov out of power by appointing
him ambassador to Turkey. Salimov's successor as minister of internal
affairs was Saidomir Zuhurov, a KGB veteran who had been minister of
security in the post-civil war government.
Thus, in the mid-1990s Tajikistan's national security condition was
tenuous from both domestic and international standpoints. Internally, the
concept of uniform law enforcement for the protection of Tajikistani
citizens had not taken hold, in spite of constitutional guarantees.
Instead, the republic's law enforcement agencies were at the service of
the political goals of those in power. Externally, Tajikistan remained
almost completely reliant upon Russia and its Central Asian neighbors for
military protection of its borders. By 1996 years of internationally
sponsored negotiations had failed to bring about a satisfactory compromise
between the government and the opposition, offering little hope that CIS
troops could leave but providing the Rahmonov government a pretext for
ongoing restraint of civil liberties.
* * *
Relatively little has been written in English about Tajikistan. An
important study of the largely Persian civilization and political history
of southern Central Asia in the early centuries of the Islamic era is
Richard N. Frye's Bukhara: The Medieval Achievement . The first
three chapters of Turko-Persia in Historical Perspective ,
edited by Robert L. Canfield, describe the interaction of Turkic- and
Persian-speaking peoples in the region. The Russian scholar Vasilii V.
Bartol'd wrote a seminal historical work that has been translated as Turkestan
Down to the Mongol Invasion . Tajikistan's Persian-language
literature is covered in the chapter "Modern Tajik Literature"
in Persian Literature , edited by Ehsan Yarshater. Teresa
Rakowska-Harmstone's Russia and Nationalism in Central Asia
describes Tajikistani politics in the Stalin and Khrushchev eras from the
Russian viewpoint. Muriel Atkin's The Subtlest Battle and "Islam
as Faith, Politics and Bogeyman in Tajikistan" (a chapter in The
Politics of Religion in Russia and the New States of Eurasia , edited
by Michael Bourdeaux) describe the role of Islam in Soviet and post-Soviet
times. A description of events leading to the 1992 civil war is contained
in Shahrbanou Tadjbakhsh's "The 'Tajik Spring' of 1992." Sergei
Gretsky has covered aspects of the civil war in two articles, one
appearing in Critique (Spring 1995) and the other in Central
Asia Monitor (No. 1, 1994), and an assessment of Russian-Tajikistani
relations in a chapter of Regional Power Rivalries in the New Eurasia
, edited by Alvin Z. Rubinstein and Oles M. Smolansky. (For further
information and complete citations, see Bibliography.)
Data as of March 1996
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