MONGABAY.COM
Mongabay.com seeks to raise interest in and appreciation of wild lands and wildlife, while examining the impact of emerging trends in climate, technology, economics, and finance on conservation and development (more)
WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
|
|
Somalia
Index
Center for internally displaced persons, Mogadishu, 1991
Courtesy Hiram A. Ruiz
Refugee women in camp near Luuq, western Somalia, 1991
Courtesy Hiram A. Ruiz
The constitution of 1961 in force until the October 1969
revolution protected the civil rights outlined in the United
Nations Declaration of Human Rights. These included the
presumption of innocence before the courts, the right of habeas
corpus, the freedoms of political association, public expression,
and personal liberty and movement, and the right to form labor
unions and to strike. The state owned all land (outright
ownership of land conflicts with Somali traditions), but
developed property and improved land could be expropriated only
on the basis of equitable compensation. With few exceptions, the
Somali government respected these rights.
In October 1970, the Siad Barre government abolished the
right of habeas corpus; however, the courts continued to
recognize the presumption of innocence and to provide free legal
assistance to indigent defendants in serious cases. The regime
also extended equal rights to women in several areas, including
inheritance. In the late 1970s, however, the government began
restricting civil rights, to counter the spread of dissident
elements. This policy was criticized by the United States and
several other Western nations.
In 1979, anxious to obtain United States military and
economic assistance, Siad Barre promulgated a new liberal
constitution. Approved by a national referendum held on August
29, 1979, this constitution stipulated the restoration of many of
the civil rights that had been extinguished by the military
government. The new constitution guaranteed freedom of speech,
religion, and publication and the right to participate in an
assembly, demonstration, or organization. The constitution also
supported the inviolability of the home and the privacy of
correspondence. However, these safeguards were subject to
important qualifications--in the cases of freedom of expression
and association by the condition that exercise of these rights
"shall not contravene the constitution, the laws of the land,
general morality, and public order." Furthermore, under the
constitution the government was permitted to control the press,
subject foreign publications to censorship, and circumscribe
freedom of assembly.
The constitution stipulated that anyone deprived of personal
liberty should forthwith be informed of the offense of which he
was accused, and anyone detained on security grounds must be
brought before a competent judicial authority without delay.
Despite these provisions, the Amnesty International Report,
1980 estimated that the government had jailed at least 100
people on political grounds without charge or trial, among them
former prime minister Mahammad Ibrahim Igaal. After the 1978 coup
attempt, the Mogadishu National Security Court tried seventy-four
men and subsequently ordered the execution of seventeen of them.
The defendants had access to legal representation, and close
relatives were permitted to attend the trials. However, in early
1980 the government secretly executed as many as several dozen
military personnel for supporting the Somali Salvation Front
(SSF) guerrilla movement.
Over the next few years, the proliferation of insurgent
movements prompted Mogadishu to become increasingly oppressive.
In 1982, for example, the government declared a state of
emergency in northern Somalia and took steps to suppress local
populations. Additionally, laws were adopted that placed
civilians under the jurisdiction of military tribunals and
military police. Several institutions comprised this new security
apparatus, including the Mobile Military Court (MMC), the
Regional Security Council (RSC), the HANGASH (Somali acronym for
military police), the NSS, and the Victory Pioneers.
Established in 1982, the MMC was composed entirely of
military officers. Two years later, after the SNM had launched an
offensive in the mountainous region of Sheekh and nearby Burao,
the MMC assumed jurisdiction over civilians. Operating from
headquarters in Hargeysa, the MMC created a network of offices
throughout northern Somalia. Initially, the MMC tried small
numbers of suspected opponents of the regime such as businessmen
and educated people. Eventually, however, the MMC tried every
variety of politically active person or group. The court
prosecutor, Colonel Yuusuf Muse, quickly earned a reputation for
cruelty and his insistence on the death penalty. In 1984-85 and
from late 1987 until mid-1988, Muse authorized mass executions of
hundreds, if not thousands, of northerners.
The RSC, which was superior to all other branches of the
security system, consisted of the regional governor, the regional
military commander, a military officer, the regional police
commander, and the following national officials: the NSS
director, the head of the SRSP, the commander of the Victory
Pioneers, and the director of the Police Custodial Corps.
Although it could operate anywhere in the country, the RSC
confined its activities to northern Somalia. The RSC usually met
weekly, but it convened more frequently during emergencies. Any
quorum of six could impose long prison sentences or the death
penalty. From its inception, the RSC ordered mass arrests of SNM
sympathizers and other suspected government opponents and
confiscated their property. The RSC often relied on the NSS to
conduct interrogations and prepare arrest warrants.
Mogadishu created the HANGASH in the aftermath of the 1978
coup attempt. Its purpose was to maintain surveillance over the
military and the NSS. As the government's crackdown on political
activity became more severe, however, the HANGASH acquired power
over civilians. Eventually, the HANGASH, which operated without
legal authority, became more feared than the NSS.
The NSS, Somalia's principal intelligence agency, possessed
the power to detain people indefinitely if they were suspected of
having committed national security offenses. Article 5 of Law No.
8 of January 26, 1970, abolished the right to habeas corpus in
national security cases and permitted access to lawyers only
after the NSS had completed its investigations and had prepared
charges. Over the years, the NSS used the national security
rationale to justify the arrest, execution, or imprisonment of
hundreds, if not thousands, of real and imagined government
opponents.
The Victory Pioneers were a uniformed militia that provided
security at the neighborhood level. Pioneer units, which existed
in every town and village, ensured loyalty to Siad Barre's regime
by encouraging people to spy on each other in the work place,
schools, mosques, and private homes.
After the SNM launched a major offensive in northern Somalia
in late May 1988, deterioration of the government's human rights
record accelerated. The SNA used artillery shelling and aerial
bombardment in heavily populated urban centers to retake the
towns of Hargeysa and Burao. As a result, thousands of refugees
gathered on the outskirts of these cities. After breaking into
smaller groups of 300 to 500, the refugees started a ten- to
forty-day trek to Ethiopia; others fled to Djibouti and Kenya.
Along the way, SNA units robbed many civilians and summarily
executed anyone suspected of being an SNM member or sympathizer.
SAF jet aircraft strafed many refugee columns, forcing refugees
to walk at night to avoid further attacks. Africa Watch reported
that government forces had killed as many as 50,000 unarmed
civilians between June 1988 and January 1990; most victims
belonged to the northern Isaaq clan.
By 1990 security conditions had become as bad in central and
southern Somalia as they had been in the north. As a result, the
government enacted harsh new measures against opposition
elements. In Mogadishu, for example, SNA personnel and members of
the various security agencies regularly raped, robbed, and killed
noncombatant citizens. The emergence of bandit groups in the
capital only exacerbated security problems in Mogadishu. On July
6, 1990, some of Siad Barre's bodyguards, the Red Berets (Duub
Cas), started shooting at people who had been shouting
antigovernment slogans at a soccer match. Other Red Berets,
stationed outside the soccer stadium, shot into the crowd as it
tried to escape the chaos inside
(see Harrying of the Hawiye
, ch.
1). Eventually, at least 65 civilians lost their lives and more
than 300 sustained serious wounds. The authorities refused to
allow families to recover the bodies of their relatives.
In the central area, which consists of Mudug, Hiiraan, and
Galguduud regions, the government unleashed a reign of terror
against those suspected of supporting or belonging to the United
Somali Congress (USC), another insurgent group. According to
Africa Watch, the SNA killed hundreds of civilians in retaliation
for rebel attacks. Government troops also ambushed numerous cars,
killing and injuring many of the passengers. After robbing
vehicles, soldiers usually hanged some victims on trees and then
forced local inhabitants to view the bodies of what the soldiers
claimed were armed bandits. Similar violence occurred at several
other central and southern towns and villages, including
Beledweyne, Adaddo, Gaalcaio, Doolow, Hara Cadera, Hobyo, Las
Adale, and Wisil.
Apart from atrocities committed by troops in the field,
prison authorities mistreated political detainees and other
prisoners, despite the fact that on January 24, 1990, the
government had ratified the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights. According to Africa Watch, detainees and
prisoners were held in tiny, overcrowded cells and denied medical
treatment and physical exercise. Many were tortured. During Siad
Barre's final months in power, the Central Prison of Mogadishu,
which was intended to hold about 600 people, often contained
1,600 or more prisoners. There was also a lack of food, water,
medicine, bedding, and air. Guards extorted food and money, which
had been supplied by prisoners' families.
In response to growing domestic and international pressure,
the government introduced a provisional constitution, effective
for one year from October 12, 1990. Supposedly, the constitution
would have repealed a series of repressive security laws;
permitted free, multiparty elections; guaranteed individual civil
rights; and transferred considerable power from the president to
the prime minister, cabinet, and parliament. However, the heavy
fighting which engulfed Mogadishu and other areas of Somalia at
the end of 1990 prevented the new constitution from having any
impact. After Siad Barre fled Mogadishu in early 1991, Somalia's
human rights record further deteriorated, largely because of
fighting between and among various insurgent groups and clan
militias, and the attacks by bandit groups on the civilian
population.
* * *
Given the West's limited access to Somalia and the secrecy
that surrounded security-related activities, there is no
definitive study of the country's armed forces. Those interested
in Somali national security affairs therefore must rely on a
variety of periodical sources, including Africa Research
Bulletin, Keesing's Contemporary Archives, Third
World Reports, Africa Confidential, and African
Defense Journal. Other useful publications include New
African, Africa Events, Africa News, Focus
on Africa, and Horn of Africa. Two International
Institute for Strategic Studies annuals, The Military
Balance and Strategic Survey, also are essential for
anyone wishing to understand the evolution of Somalia's security
forces. The same is true of three annuals: Africa Contemporary
Record, Africa South of the Sahara, and World
Armaments and Disarmament. The last is published by the
Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
Useful historical works include Malcolm McNeill's In
Pursuit of the `Mad Mullah': Service and Sport in the Somali
Protectorate, Douglas J. Jardine's The Mad Mullah of
Somaliland, and H.F.P. Battesby's Richard Corfield of
Somaliland. Bruce D. Porter's The USSR in Third World
Conflicts provides an excellent analysis of the 1977-78
Ogaden War between Somalia and Ethiopia. Somalia: Nation in
Search of a State, by David D. Laitin and Said S. Samatar,
contains some useful information on the post-independence
evolution of the Somali armed forces. Material on human rights
practices in Somalia can be found in the annual Amnesty
International Report and in a variety of Africa Watch
reports, the most important of which is Somalia: A Government
at War with Its Own People. (For further information and
complete citations,
see
Bibliography.)
|
|