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Saudi Arabia
Index
Upon Abd al Aziz's death in 1953 he was succeeded by his son,
Saud. Saud had been designated crown prince some years before in
a political act that went back to the days of Muhammad ibn Saud
and Muhammad ibn Abd al Wahhab. The new King Saud did not prove
to be a leader equal to the challenges of the next two decades.
He was a spendthrift even before he became king, and this became
a more crucial issue when he controlled the kingdom's purse
strings. Saud paid huge sums to maintain tribal acquiescence to
his rule in return for recruits for an immense palace guard, the
White Army, so-called because they wore traditional Arab dress
rather than military uniforms. Revenues could not match Saud's
expenditures for the tribes, subsidies to various foreign groups,
and his personal follies. By 1958 the riyal (for value of the
riyal, see Glossary)
had to be devalued nearly 80 percent,
despite annual oil revenues in excess of US$300 million.
Dissatisfaction grew over wasteful expenditures, the lack of
development of public projects and educational institutions, and
the low wages of the growing labor force. Citizens were becoming
aware of the dual culture emerging in Saudi Arabia. Privileged
classes had been unknown in the early days of Abd al Aziz's
reign; his first palace was made of the same sun-dried mud bricks
that the peasants used, shaykhs and beduin herdsmen called each
other by their first names, and the clothing of rich and poor was
quite similar.
Dissatisfaction came from many sources, chief of which were a
few of the more liberal princes and the sons of the rising middle
class educated abroad. In an effort to discourage the formation
of critical attitudes, college students abroad were forbidden to
major in law, political science, or related areas. In 1956 Aramco
Saudi workers called a second strike, the first having occurred
in 1953. Saud issued a royal decree in June 1956 forbidding
further strikes under penalty of dismissal.
In foreign relations Saud followed the inclinations of his
father and promoted Arab unity by demanding, in cooperation with
Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt, the liberation of Palestine. Saudi
Arabia's ties with Egypt had been strengthened by a mutual
defense pact in October 1955. Together Nasser and Saud assisted
in financing an effort to discourage Jordan from joining the
Western-sponsored Baghdad Pact. When French, British, and Israeli
forces invaded Egypt in 1956 as a result of Nasser's
nationalization of the Suez Canal, Saud granted the equivalent of
US$10 million to Egypt, severed diplomatic relations with Britain
and France, and placed an embargo on oil shipments to both
countries.
United States-Saudi relations also declined during the early
years of Saud's reign. Nationalists criticized the leasing of the
Dhahran air base to the United States, calling it a concession to
American imperialism. In 1954 the United States Point Four
mission was dismissed.
A major reorientation of Saudi policy was initiated in 1957
after Saud's successful visit to the United States. In a
conference with President Dwight D. Eisenhower, Saud gave support
to the Eisenhower Doctrine and agreed to a five-year renewal of
the lease of the Dhahran air base.
But as Western relations improved, those with Egypt worsened.
Egypt and Saudi Arabia had been drawn together because of their
mutual interest in obtaining Arab independence from non-Arab
foreign intervention. Beyond that point all similarity of
objectives vanished. Nasser had deposed a king in Egypt and was
encouraging revolutionary attitudes in other Arab countries. His
notions of Arab unity and economic socialism were abhorrent to
Saud and to many Saudis who wished to preserve an independent and
capitalistically oriented kingdom. Furthermore, the Egyptians
trafficked with the Soviet Union, from whom the Saudis had
declined an arms offer and to whom they denied diplomatic
recognition because of their fear of communism. The presence of
large numbers of Egyptian military attachés and teachers in Saudi
Arabia caused concern among the Saudis that, at the very least,
unacceptable views would circulate. Saudi officials were aghast
when Syria and Egypt merged in 1958 to form the United Arab
Republic. Yet the shock generated by news of the union paled
before the subsequent disclosures of an alleged conspiracy by
Saud to subvert the venture and to assassinate Nasser.
The embarrassed senior members of the royal family had also
become increasingly unhappy over Saud's tendency to appoint his
inexperienced young sons to major government positions rather
than older, more seasoned family members. They feared that such
appointments indicated a plan to transfer the succession to his
offspring as opposed to the traditional practice of selecting the
most senior and experienced family member as leader. These fears,
combined with their concern over Saud's profligate spending and
the alleged assassination plot, increased family dissatisfaction
to the point that senior members of Al Saud urged Saud to
relinquish power to Faisal.
On March 24, 1958, Saud issued a royal decree giving Faisal
executive powers in foreign and internal affairs, including
fiscal planning. As a result of Faisal's initiation of an
austerity program in 1959 that included a reduction of subsidies
to the royal family, the budget had been balanced, currency
stabilized, and embarrassing national debts resolved.
The reductions in the royal household budget incensed Saud
and his circle, and a dispute arising out of Saud's desire to
give full control of a Hijaz oil refinery to one of his sons made
Faisal's position increasingly precarious. In January 1961,
Faisal and his Council of Ministers tendered their resignations.
Saud assumed the post of prime minister and made another
brother, the progressive Talal, minister of finance and national
economy. A new cabinet was formed composed of many Western-
educated commoners. There was much talk of innovative
governmental moves, but none materialized. Talal, concluding that
Saud had misrepresented his intentions to engage his support,
departed for Cairo, taking several air force officers and their
airplanes with him. Civil war broke out in Yemen in September
1962, and Egyptian forces arrived to support the revolutionaries
against the Saudis, who supported the overthrown royalist
government. At that time the destruction of the Saudi monarchy
seemed a distinct possibility.
Faisal had been restored as deputy prime minister and foreign
minister in March 1962, to substitute for Saud, who was in the
United States for medical treatment. In October 1962, Faisal was
urged by the ulama and many princes to accept the kingship, but
he declined, citing his promise to his father to support Saud.
Instead Faisal again became prime minister, named Khalid deputy
prime minister, and formed a government. He took command of the
armed forces and quickly restored their loyalty and morale.
The following month he announced a ten-point plan for reform.
Projected changes in the government included promises to issue a
constitution, establish local government, and form an independent
judiciary with a supreme judicial council composed of secular and
religious members. He pledged to strengthen Islam and to reform
the Committee for Encouragement of Virtue and Discouragement of
Vice (also known as the Committee for Public Morality). Progress
was to be ensured by the regulation of economic and commercial
activities, and there was to be a sustained effort to develop the
country's resources. Social reforms would include provisions for
social security, unemployment compensation, educational
scholarships, and the abolition of slavery. Consultations between
Faisal and President John F. Kennedy led to promises of United
States support of Faisal's plans for reform and of Saudi Arabia's
territorial integrity. Diplomatic relations were reestablished
with Britain and France, and debts to them were repaid.
Faisal's projects and the budgetary allowance necessary to
modernize the armed forces for their engagement in Yemen meant
that the king's personal income had to be cut. In March 1964, a
royal decree endorsed by the royal family and the ulama reduced
Saud's powers and his personal budget. The response from Saud,
who had been on an extended and expensive tour of Europe with a
large entourage, was outrage. Saud tried to garner support for a
return to power, but the royal family and ulama held firm. On
November 2, 1964, the ulama issued a final fatwa, or
religious decree on the matter. Saud was deposed, and Faisal was
declared king. This decision terminated almost a decade of
external and internal pressure to depose Saud and to assert the
power and integrity of conservative forces within the Al Saudi.
During his reign, Saud had largely cut himself off from the
citizenry, relying heavily on his advisers, many of whom were
primarily concerned with acquiring personal wealth and power.
Faisal, in contrast, despite working long hours on affairs of
state, made himself available to the public daily in the
traditional majlis, followed by a meal open to anyone. During the
times he had acted as prime minister for Saud, Faisal had
strengthened the power of the Council of Ministers
(see The Council of Ministers
, ch. 4) and in 1954 had been primarily
responsible for the creation of the ministries of commerce and
industry and of health.
When Faisal became king (1964-75), he set himself the task of
modernizing the kingdom. His first two official acts were
protective, directed toward safeguarding the nation from
potential internal and external threats that could thwart
development. In the first month of Faisal's reign, Khalid, a half
brother, was designated crown prince, thus ensuring that the
succession would not be disturbed by the kind of family power
politics that had nearly destroyed Saudi hegemony in the past.
Sultan, another half brother serving as the minister of defense
and aviation, was charged with modernizing the army and
establishing an air defense system to protect the nation and its
petroleum reserves from potential external and internal threats.
Funds to the King Abd al Aziz University in Jiddah were
substantially increased, and the University of Petroleum and
Minerals was opened in Dhahran. Faisal felt that, although
undesirable, foreign influence was unavoidable as long as the
population remained undereducated and unable to assume the
country's many demanding positions. Faisal reorganized the
Central Planning Organization to develop priorities for economic
development. The result was that oil revenues were spent on
investments designed to stimulate growth.
Troubled by the spread of republicanism in the Arab world
that challenged the legitimacy of the Al Saud, Faisal called an
Islamic summit conference in 1965 to reaffirm Islamic principles
against the rising tide of modern ideologies. Faisal dedicated to
Islamic ideals that he had learned in the house of his maternal
grandfather, a direct descendant of Abd al Wahhab, the
eighteenth-century initiator of the revival of religious
orthodoxy in Arabia
(see
The Saud Family and Wahhabi Islam, 1500-1850
, this
ch.). Faisal was raised in a spartan atmosphere, unlike that of
most of his half brothers, and was encouraged by his mother to
develop values consonant with tribal leadership. Faisal's
religious idealism did not diminish his secular effectiveness.
For him, political functioning was a religious act that demanded
thoughtfulness, dignity, and integrity. Respect for Faisal
increased in the Arab world based on the remarkable changes
within Saudi Arabia, Faisal's excellent management of the holy
cities, his reputation as a stalwart enemy of Zionism, and his
rapidly increasing financial power.
Faisal proceeded cautiously but emphatically to introduce
Western technology. He was continually forced to deal with the
insistent demands of his Westernized associates to move faster
and the equally vociferous urgings of the ulama to move not at
all. He chose the middle ground not merely in a spirit of
compromise to assuage the two forces but because he earnestly
believed that the correct religious orientation would mitigate
the adverse effects of modernization. For example, in 1965 the
first Saudi television broadcasts offended some Saudis. One of
Faisal's nephews went so far as to lead an assault on one of the
new studios and was later killed in a shoot-out with the police.
Such a family tragedy did not, however, cause Faisal to withdraw
his support for the television project.
Under Faisal's reign a massive educational program was
initiated. Expenditures for education increased to an annual
level of approximately 10 percent of the budget. Vocational
training centers and institutes of higher education were built in
addition to the more than 125 elementary and secondary schools
built annually. Women's demands, increasingly vocalized, led to
the establishment of elementary schools for girls. These were
placed under religious control to pacify the many who were
opposed to education for women. Health centers also multiplied
(see Education;
Health
, ch. 2).
Regional affairs within the peninsula, with the exception of
Yemen, primarily concerned boundary disputes. Faisal made much
progress, but at his death Saudi Arabia still possessed more
unsettled than settled frontiers. In August 1965, a final
determination of boundaries was reached between Saudi Arabia and
Jordan. In 1965 Saudi Arabia also agreed on border delineations
with Qatar. The Continental Shelf Agreement with Iran in October
1968 established the separate rights of Iran and Saudi Arabia in
the Persian Gulf, and an agreement was reached to discourage
foreign intervention there. The formation of the United Arab
Emirates (UAE) in 1971 did not receive official recognition until
the settlement of the long-standing Al Buraymi Oasis dispute.
Saudi Arabia's largest problem within the peninsula remained
the settlement of the Yemen crisis. In August 1965, Faisal and
Nasser agreed at Jiddah to an immediate cease-fire, the
termination of Saudi aid to the royalists, and the withdrawal of
Egyptian forces. In 1965 at Harad in Yemen, Saudi Arabia and
Egypt sponsored a meeting of Yemeni representatives from the
opposing sides. The conference became deadlocked, and hostilities
resumed after the promised Egyptian troop withdrawals. The
royalists claimed extensive victories. The Egyptians announced
that they would not withdraw their remaining troops and were
incensed at what they believed was renewed Saudi intervention.
Egyptian aircraft bombed royalist installations and towns in
southern Saudi Arabia. Saudi Arabia responded by closing its two
Egyptian banks, an action countered by Egypt's sequestration of
all Saudi Arabian property holdings in Egypt.
Saud, then residing in Egypt, made a personal gift of US$1
million to the Yemen Arab Republic (North Yemen) and made
broadcasts from its capital and from Cairo, stating his intention
to return to rule "to save the people and land of Saudi Arabia."
A series of terrorist bomb attacks against residences of the
royal family and United States and British personnel led to the
arrests of a group, including seventeen Yemenis, accused of the
sabotage. They were found guilty and were publicly beheaded in
accordance with the law. Egyptian and Saudi disagreements over
the area were not resolved until the Khartoum Conference of
August 1967.
In the aftermath of the June 1967 War between Israel and
various Arab states, the disputes between Arab states had to take
a secondary position to what the Arabs called the "alien threat"
of Israel. Faisal's influence at Arab conferences continued to
increase, his position strengthened by the enormous revenues with
which he could make good his commitments, and by his
irreproachable reputation as a pious Muslim. Faisal's pan-Islamic
pronouncement took concrete form after the June 1967 War when an
Islamic nation, Jordan, received a direct threat to its existence
and that same "infidel power," Israel, seized and retained
Jerusalem, the third holiest city of Islam.
At the Khartoum Conference Saudi Arabia, Libya, and Kuwait
agreed to set up a fund equivalent to US$378 million to be
distributed among countries that had suffered from the June 1967
War. The Saudi contribution would be US$140 million. Jordan and
Egypt were both in desperate financial positions. The monies were
intended not only to ease this situation but also to buttress
their political bargaining power. Egypt could no longer continue
expensive commitments to the war in Yemen, and Nasser and Faisal
agreed to a compromise proposed by Sudan for financial and
economic pullouts in Yemen. Military aggression against Israel
was not mentioned, but the conferees agreed neither to recognize
nor to make peace with Israel and to continue to work for the
rights of Palestinians.
A fire in the Al Aqsa Mosque in Jerusalem on August 21, 1969,
prompted the Islamic Summit Conference of September 1969 in
Rabat, Morocco. Representatives agreed to intensify their efforts
to ensure the prompt withdrawal of Israeli military forces in the
occupied lands and to pursue an honorable peace.
Having increased Saudi economic power, in July 1973
threatened to reduce oil deliveries if the United States did not
seek to equalize its treatment of Egypt and Israel. The threat
was realized during the October 1973 War between Israel and two
Arab states when the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting
Countries imposed a general rise in oil prices and an oil embargo
on major oil consumers that were either supporters of Israel or
allies of its supporters. The embargo was a political protest
aimed at obtaining Israeli withdrawal from occupied Arab
territory and recognition of the rights of the Palestinian
people.
At an Arab conference held in Algiers in November 1973, Saudi
Arabia agreed with all the participants except the representative
of Jordan to recognize the Palestine Liberation Organization
(PLO) as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian people.
Jordan's King Hussein refused to participate but was encouraged
by Faisal to attend the follow-up conference in October 1974 in
Rabat. At this meeting Hussein gave his reluctant agreement to
the proposal that the PLO should be the negotiators with Israel
over the establishment of a Palestinian entity in the territory
newly occupied by Israel. In return Saudi Arabia promised Hussein
US$300 million a year for the next four years.
As a result of the 1973 agreements that tripled the price of
crude oil in response to the October 1973 Arab-Israeli War, Saudi
Arabia acquired vastly increased revenues to devote to domestic
programs. However, Faisal's failing health, overwork, and age
prevented him from formulating a coherent development plan before
he was assassinated on March 25, 1975. He was shot by his nephew,
a disgruntled brother of the nephew killed in the 1965 television
station incident.
Sand dunes in the Rub al Khali, or Empty Quarter, with
exploration party in the foreground
Courtesy Aramco World
Data as of December 1992
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