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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Mauritania
Index
Polisario troops at Tindouf, Algeria
Courtesy Theresa Smith
Since independence, Mauritania has been confronted with
several potential challenges to its national security. Problems
in addition to the Western Sahara war have included Moroccan
irredentist claims, Senegalese meddling in racial disputes, and
Libyan interference.
Morocco
Figure 11. Nouadhibou and Vicinity, 1987
Source: Based on information from Charles Toupet (ed.), Atlas
de la République Islamique de Mauritanie, Paris, 1977, 54.
Moroccan threats to Mauritania originated in the seventeenth
century and continued into the twentieth century. In 1956 and
1957, Mauritanian and Moroccan members of the Army of Liberation
(Armée de Libération--AL), the military wing of the
Mauritanian National Liberation Front headquartered in Morocco,
raided Mauritania's northern region. With no military forces of
its own to defend the frontiers, the preindependence transition
government called on France for aid. In February 1958, a joint
Franco-Spanish land-air operation destroyed the AL in the Spanish
Sahara and stopped the southward infiltration of Moroccansupported guerrillas.
In the 1960s, Morocco continued to support irredentist groups
in Mauritania, especially the Reguibat Maures of the far north,
who claimed allegiance to the king of Morocco. Following the
revolt of the Reguibat Maures in 1962-63, the French again sent
troops to the troubled area. Threats from the north subsided for
a short time when, in 1969, Morocco officially recognized
Mauritania.
Soon after, Mauritania's concerns with Morocco revived when
Mauritania had to call on Moroccan troops for defense against
Polisario guerrilla attacks. The stationing of Moroccan soldiers
inside Mauritania gave rise to suspicion that in providing
military aid, Morocco was trying to resuscitate its old idea of a
Greater Morocco
(see
fig. 3). In addition, the Mauritanian
military (15,000 to 17,000 troops) resented its role as a back-up
force to the Moroccan troops (estimated at 10,000) garrisoned in
Mauritania. At the same time, Mauritania feared that if it
abandoned its claims to Tiris al Gharbiyya (that part of the
Western Sahara it claimed), Moroccan troops would immediately
occupy it, removing the buffer territory insulating Mauritania
from Morocco.
In 1979 that fear was confirmed when King Hassan II annexed
Tiris al Gharbiyya several days after Mauritania's August 5 peace
treaty with the Polisario. Consequently the government of Colonel
Mohamed Khouna Ould Haidalla again sought French support. French
president Valery Giscard d'Estaing ordered a paratroop unit to
Nouadhibou to defend Mauritania against a possible Moroccan
invasion and to prevent the Polisario from using the nearby
territory as a rear base for attacking Moroccan armed forces in
the Western Sahara
(see Foreign Military Assistance
, this ch.).
Mauritania expelled several Moroccan diplomats and withdrew the
passports of pro-Moroccan politicians.
In 1980, as relations worsened between the two countries,
Nouakchott renounced the Mauritanian-Moroccan defense pact and
ordered Morocco to withdraw its troops from Mauritanian
territory. Morocco initially refused the evacuation order and
tried to make the removal of its last garrison at Bir Mogreïn in
northern Mauritania contingent on the withdrawal of Mauritanian
forces from La Guera in the Western Sahara
(see
fig. 11).
Mauritania refused this request because it believed that
continued administration of La Guera, with easy access to the
iron ore port at Nouadhibou, was vital for security. The
government claimed that a Moroccan presence only five kilometers
from the port would invite Polisario attacks inside Mauritania
and give King Hassan a potential stranglehold over the
Mauritanian economy.
The two countries broke off relations in March 1981 when
Mauritania accused Morocco of instigating a coup to establish a
pro-Moroccan government in Nouakchott. In 1983 relations
deteriorated further when Mauritania officially recognized the
government-in-exile established by the Polisario, the Sahrawi
Arab Democratic Republic (SADR).
By 1983 Haidalla had aligned himself with leftist factions
within the ruling Military Committee for National Salvation
(Comité Militaire de Salut National--CMSN) and strengthened
relations with Algeria, which supported the Polisario.
Subsequently, and against the advice and wishes of a majority in
the CMSN, in 1984 Haidalla recognized the SADR. Mauritania's
supportive stance toward the Polisario increasingly angered
Hassan, who accused Mauritania of harboring Polisario troops.
Observers noted, however, that the Polisario also maintained
bases in southern Morocco and had the support of certain nomadic
tribes in the area of the Draa River. Thus, it was clear that the
movement received support from various sectors of the population
on both sides of the border, irrespective of governments.
Mauritania's foreign relations changed when the coup led by
the Mauritanian military in December 1984 brought Taya to power.
Taya distanced Mauritania from the Polisario, while continuing to
recognize its rights to self-determination. Concurrently, Taya
improved Mauritania's relations with Morocco and reestablished
diplomatic ties in April 1985.
Nevertheless, the Nouakchott government continued to fear
that Morocco would violate Mauritania's borders in pursuit of
Polisario guerrillas. In May 1987, Morocco finished construction
of a sixth
berm (see Glossary)
in the Western Sahara along
Mauritania's northern border. The system of berms built along the
Western Sahara's eastern and southern borders and manned by
Moroccan troops effectively insulated the entire territory and
forced the Polisario onto Mauritanian soil. This threat pushed
the CMSN to station nearly two-thirds of Mauritania's military
along the northwestern borders and to seek increased French
military aid.
Data as of June 1988
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