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Mauritania
Index
In 1987 the military government was the most likely arena for
power struggles affecting internal security. Aside from factions
within the military, there appeared to be no group with a large
enough power base or organizational structure to challenge the
existing military regime. Despite the personal popularity of
President Taya, governmental institutions remained without a
broad base of support and provided no outlet for discontent,
dissent, or even meaningful debate over national policies
(see
Political Power in the Mid-1980s
, ch. 4).
From independence until the 1978 military coup, labor and
student unrest and racial clashes presented the most serious
threats to internal security. These threats were interrelated
because minority ethnic groups from the Senegal River Valley
actively participated in the unions and student demonstrations.
Throughout the 1960s and early 1970s, labor unions struck
primarily in Fdérik at the Mauritanian Iron Mines Company
(Société Anonyme des Mines de Fer de Mauritanie--MIFERMA)
complex, whose employees had grievances against the West European
overseers. Violence was common, and the army was used to quell
the frequent disturbances, causing injuries, deaths, and numerous
arrests. In their turn, many students opposed the government's
language policy, which in 1966 required students to study
Hassaniya Arabic as well as French. Violent confrontations often
erupted, and schools were frequently closed for months at a time.
Moreover, students often joined forces with MIFERMA strikers in
opposition to the PPM.
From the time of the military coup in 1978 through 1987, the
CMSN leadership banned all political parties and opposition
groups and suspended freedom of assembly, especially public
meetings that addressed political themes. Labor unions were the
only nationwide organizations with any political import that were
not dissolved following the 1978 coup. The right to strike
existed in theory but was greatly restricted in practice, and
extended strikes were strongly opposed by the government. There
were only two brief strikes, in the early 1980s.
In 1978 serious ethnic conflict erupted between Maures and
southern blacks. Blacks resented their overrepresentation as
recruits in the Western Sahara conflict and their
underrepresentation in the upper echelons of the military. Racial
unrest peaked during February and March 1979. For the first time
since the military coup in 1978, antigovernment activists
distributed hostile tracts in the streets and placed antiregime
slogans on walls. The government arrested several people,
including black teachers and students who threatened to strike
over the language issue. Further troubles occurred during March
1979 when a number of prominent, moderate blacks were arrested
for advocating the use of ethnic quotas to fill government jobs;
however, they were released a few days later in response to
popular pressure.
In an effort to mollify blacks, on March 19, 1979, the
government announced the formation of the National Consultative
Council. Composed of eighty-seven Maures and seventeen blacks, it
was intended to provide a measure of popular participation in
decision making until such time as elections could be held. On
March 30, all seventeen blacks resigned, charging the council
with unequal ethnic representation.
Despite increased ethnic tensions, the government under both
Mustapha Ould Salek and Ahmed Ould Bouceif took no action to
appease the black community. On the contrary, the new military
government virtually barred blacks from government. Moreover, the
government took measures in November 1978 that favored Arabic as
the sole language in Mauritania's secondary schools, further
fueling accusations of economic and political discrimination.
Tensions between blacks and Maures erupted in 1986 following
the publication in April of a document entitled Le Manifeste
du Négro-Mauritanien Opprime (Manifesto of the Oppressed
Black Mauritanian)
(see Ethnic Minorities
, ch. 4). The manifesto
was circulated in cities and towns in Mauritania and also at the
September 1986 Nonaligned Movement summit in Harare, Zimbabwe and
at the Organization of African Unity (OAU) summit in Addis Ababa,
Ethiopia. This document criticized "Mauritanian apartheid" and
the white Maure system that ensured the political and economic
domination by the Arab-Berbers at the expense of the black ethnic
groups
(see Ethnic Groups and Languages
, ch. 2). The manifesto
also took issue with the policy of favoring Arabic over French,
the lack of educational opportunities for blacks, and land reform
measures. In particular, the manifesto viewed the controversial
Land Reform Act of 1983 as a means by which wealthy, urban Maures
could appropriate profitable land along the Senegal River,
traditionally the homeland of Mauritania's black population.
More ethnic unrest continued into September 1986, when police
arrested several black leaders for participating in civil
disturbances. Later that month, an additional forty blacks were
arrested for what the government labeled subversive activities.
In addition, dozens of leading black public figures, including
two former cabinet ministers, were detained for questioning about
"activities harmful to national unity." Nine of those arrested
were later sentenced to five years' imprisonment, and eight were
sentenced to four years' imprisonment. The accused had allegedly
opposed the land reform measures.
On October 9 and 11, 1986, in response to the September
arrests, violence again erupted. Black demonstrators ransacked
and burned a fish factory, gasoline station, and pharmacy. The
government linked this violence to the African Liberation Forces
of Mauritania (Forces de Libération Africaine de Mauritanie--
FLAM) and the black African manifesto attacking Maure
discrimination
(see Ethnic Minorities
, ch. 4). Thirteen of those
arrested in the 1986 protests over racial discrimination against
blacks were convicted of arson in Nouakchott and Nouadhibou in
October 1986. Five of them were sentenced to five years'
imprisonment and eight to four years' imprisonment. Five others
on trial on similar charges were acquitted. An additional twenty
people were tried and convicted in March 1987.
As part of a large-scale crackdown on blacks (and the
Toucouleur community in particular) carried out in the second
half of 1986, all Toucouleur officers serving at posts of
responsibility in the military regional commands were sacked. The
administration purged itself of all its Toucouleur governors,
préfets, and sous-préfets serving in the south
(they were either sent to the far north or fired.) Among those
who lost their positions within the CMSN and/or the government as
a result of the crackdown was the minister of interior,
information, and telecommunications, Lieutenant Colonel Anne
Amadou Babali (a Toucouleur), who was transferred to the Ministry
of Trade and Transport for about six weeks and then dismissed
from government on October 4, 1986. The director of the
International Bank of Mauritania (Banque Internationale pour la
Mauritanie--BIMA) was fired, and the head of the Red Crescent
(Red Cross in Islamic countries) was removed from office.
Authorities banned meetings of black self-help groups and
cultural associations and even engaged in surveillance of large
gatherings of black families, such as weddings. In this tense
environment, a group calling itself the National Front of Black
Officers (Front National des Officiers Noirs--FRON) emerged and
denounced the arbitrary arrests and sentences of Mauritanians who
wished only to guarantee civil and political rights for all
ethnic groups. FRON blamed the Maure community for the chaos and
called for the institution of a multiracial republic.
The government was not about to follow such a drastic
prescription. The elections of December 1986 had allowed the
semblance of political participation at the local level, a
process that Taya described as a first step toward participatory
democracy
(see Local Elections
, ch. 4). To the credit of all
Mauritanians, the elections proceeded peacefully; however, the
problems of ethnic imbalance remained unaddressed by the
government.
* * *
There is no comprehensive study that specifically covers
Mauritanian national security. Certain aspects, such as the armed
forces' involvement in the Western Sahara, are covered fairly
inclusively in Ripe for Resolution by William I. Zartman
and in The Western Saharans by Virginia Thompson and
Richard Adloff. Various periodicals, such as Frères
d'armes, Africa Confidential, West Africa,
Jeune Afrique, Marchés tropicaux et Méditerranéens,
and Afrique Défense sporadically cover Mauritanian
security issues. Some statistics on the armed forces can be found
in the annual The Military Balance published by the
International Institute for Strategic Studies. (For further
information and complete citations,
see
Bibliography.)
Data as of June 1988
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