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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Lebanon
Index
Figure 1. Administrative Divisions
BY THE LATE 1980S, a new term had entered the vocabulary of the
popular press--"Lebanonization," a term used to refer to a wide
range of political, social, and economic situations whose
resolution appeared intractable. Because of Lebanon's deeply
complicated ills, which included political factionalization,
societal chaos, and economic fragmentation, the term could
reasonably be applied to almost any problematic condition anywhere
in the world.
What "Lebanonization" failed to denote adequately, however, was
the tragedy and suffering of the Lebanese people. As of late 1987,
estimates indicated that as many as 130,000 people had lost their
lives during civil turmoil, which probably had inflicted at least
twice that number of casualties and forced thousands of individuals
from their homes. Figures could not show the impact these problems
had on the national psyche. By the spring of 1988, Lebanon had
experienced nearly continuous warfare of varying levels of
intensity for thirteen years, and an entire generation had yet to
know peace.
Beginning in the darkest days of the Civil War in 1975 and
1976, tragic events followed almost without interruption. The
litany of misfortune includes the Israeli thrust into southern
Lebanon in search of Palestinian guerrillas in 1978, the intra-
Christian battles of the late 1970s and early 1980s, the deeper
Israeli invasion in 1982, the massacres by Christian militiamen of
Palestinians in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps in 1982, the
intra-Palestinian clashes of 1983, the fighting in the Shuf
Mountains between the Lebanese Army and
Druze (see Glossary)
militia in 1983 and 1984, the suicide bombings of installations
belonging to Western governments in 1983-84, the Amal siege of
Palestinian refugee camps in Beirut from 1985 to 1988, and the
internecine
Shia (see Glossary)
Muslim battles of 1988.
In spite of this turmoil, anarchy was a fairly recent
phenomenon in Lebanon. Before the Civil War the nation was often
regarded as one of only a few truly modernizing Middle Eastern
states, and its government was considered a model of pluralism.
Some observers regarded Beirut as the jewel of the Arab world, a
cosmopolitan city in which Christian and Muslim communities
peacefully coexisted. These positive appearances notwithstanding,
there were deep--and ominous--divisions in society. Many observers
claim that these divisive forces have origins at least centuries
old; others believe that the sources of these forces can be traced
back even further, perhaps as long ago as ancient times.
As in much of the contemporary Middle East, the area occupied
by present-day Lebanon has changed hands frequently
(see
fig. 1).
The Phoenicians, the region's first known inhabitants, were a
seafaring people with a penchant for commerce, a cultural trait
that has continued through the centuries. But Lebanon's location on
the Mediterranean Sea and its bountiful resources, although assets
to the Phoenicians, also proved to be liabilities, as they were
coveted by a succession of expansionary empires. Before the
Christian era, Lebanon was conquered by the Egyptians, Assyrians,
Babylonians, Persians, Greeks, and Romans, although it enjoyed
brief periods of independence
(see Ancient Times
, ch. 1).
In addition to the sea, Lebanon's mountainous terrain has
figured prominently in its history. The land's mountains, hills,
and valleys provided isolated sanctuaries for a variety of people;
some sought escape from repression, while others sought the
unfettered practice of their religions. Over the centuries the
mountains' geographic remoteness has allowed groups such as Druzes
and Maronites (see Glossary)
to maintain age-old customs and
practices.
From ancient times through the Ottoman era to the colonial era,
the present-day states of Lebanon and Syria, along with parts of
other states, often have been regarded as one area termed
Greater Syria (see Glossary).
And, as this name suggests,
Syria has played an influential role in the history of the area.
Lebanon and Syria have been linked socially and economically, but
especially politically. For example, following the Islamic conquest
of the region in the seventh century A.D., the Arab caliph Muawiyah
ruled the entire area from his capital at Damascus. Later, under
the Ottoman Empire, the pasha, or governor, of Damascus controlled
Lebanon through a number of amirs, or princes. After World War I
and the defeat of the Ottomans, the Allies granted France mandate
authority over both Lebanon and Syria. In the 1980s, Syrian
influence in Lebanon persisted because Syria had taken on the role
of power broker and was viewed by some observers as the one actor
that could bring about peace.
Unlike the populations of many Third World nations that have
experienced strife because of racial or ethnic divisions, Lebanon's
population is ethnically homogeneous. It is overwhelmingly Arab,
and its people speak a common language--Arabic. Lebanon's many
conflicts have been the result of sectarianism and political
differences. Disputes based on sectarianism were evident as long
ago as the 1840s, when Druzes and Maronites clashed in
Mount Lebanon (see Glossary).
Over the years,
confessionalism (see Glossary)
has become more firmly entrenched, as individuals have
come to identify with sect and clan rather than with national
interest. Modernization and urbanization, which weakened
traditional social systems and increased social alienation,
contributed to the rise of sectarianism
(see Sectarianism
, ch. 2).
Moreover, the confessional system became legitimated by the
National Pact of 1943, which allocated political offices according
to sect
(see The National Pact
, ch. 4). In the 1970s and 1980s, the
consequences of the fragmentation of society became clear, as a
multitude of groups clashed. But in Lebanon's ever-changing social
milieu, today's opponent might become tomorrow's ally.
Before the 1975 Civil War, Lebanon enjoyed a flourishing
economy
(see Recent Economic History
, ch. 3). Tourism, commerce,
and other service sectors were all booming. Beirut's banks held
large balances of foreign capital, mostly in the form of
remittances from expatriates and deposits from West European and
Persian Gulf states. As a transshipment point for goods coming from
or going to a variety of Arab countries, the government reaped
considerable revenues from import and export duties.
Lebanon's wealth, however, was inequitably distributed, much of
it concentrated in the hands of a small, predominantly Christian,
elite in Beirut. In the opinion of some observers, this
maldistribution of wealth contributed significantly to the outbreak
of civil strife and the subsequent devastation of the economy.
In the late 1970s and throughout the 1980s, armed conflict and
geographic fragmentation kept the economy in ruins. The government,
although not bankrupt, was unable to collect sufficient revenues to
maintain services and thus was forced to incur huge deficits.
Rampant inflation spawned a large-scale black market, industry was
almost moribund, and the once-thriving tourism sector was dead.
Banks were still functioning, but at greatly diminished levels.
Agricultural production, although reduced, continued in areas
unaffected by the violence; in some cases, food crops were replaced
by hashish and opium. Finally, reconstruction efforts, involving
funding by Arab institutions and Western donors, had little impact
because calm could not be maintained long enough to allow the
implementation of programs.
Lebanon's political structure often was cited by analysts as
contributing to hostilities. Political participation was not only
circumscribed for all segments of society by the traditional power-
broker system, called zuama
(sing., zaim--see Glossary)
clientelism, but this system also awarded undue power to
Maronites
(see
Zuama Clientelism, ch. 4). The allocation of
seats in the legislature, called the Chamber of Deputies, was based
on the 1932 census, which counted Christians to Muslims in a six-
to-five ratio, and by custom the presidency was set aside for a
Maronite, the prime ministry for a
Sunni (see Glossary) Muslim, and
the speaker of the Chamber of Deputies for a Shia. But as the
population makeup changed, Muslims--especially Shias--clamored for
greater representation and for reform to reduce the powers of the
president; some groups advocated the wholesale restructuring of the
political system. After the events of the mid-1970s, the system
collapsed, and those parts that continued to function no longer
resembled the prewar form. Political power was usurped by sectarian
militias or external actors, especially Syria and, after 1982,
Israel
(see Sectarian Groups
;
Syria
;
Israel
, ch. 4). In mid-1988
the executive controlled only a small area around the Presidential
Palace, the Council of Ministers seldom convened (and, in any case,
did not cooperate with the president), and a new Chamber of
Deputies had not been elected since 1972. Although reform of the
system had been discussed over the years, the multitude of power
centers espousing opposing ideologies prevented any meaningful
change.
By the late 1970s, the term national security, in the
commonly understood sense of providing internal security and
national defense, could no longer be applied to the Lebanese Armed
Forces. In the prewar years, efforts were made to keep the armed
forces out of politics, and, for the most part, those efforts
succeeded. But during the violence of the mid-1970s, the armed
forces fragmented along sectarian lines. In the late 1980s, as only
the sixth or seventh most powerful military organization in the
country, the armed forces were unable to fulfill their stated
missions. In areas where security did exist, it was often the
result of a sectarian militia imposing its authority.
The fragment of the state continued in September 1988 when,
after several failed attempts at convening, the Chamber of Deputies
announced that it was unable to elect an new president. Before
leaving office, however, President Amin Jumayyil (also spelled
Gemayel) appointed the commander of the Lebanese Army, Major
General Michel Awn (also spelled Aoun), to head an interim military
government. Although he attempted to incorporate non-Christian
sects into his cabinet, Muslims quickly renounced the move, and
Salim al Huss (also spelled Hoss), the acting prime minister under
Jumayyil, formed his own cabinet. Thus, with separate Christian and
Muslims governments in place, and with intersectarian and
intrasectarian disputes as common and as fierce as ever, prospects
for peace seemed remote in early 1989.
February 17, 1989
Thomas Collelo
Data as of December 1987
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