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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Lebanon
Index
As noted, the president is constitutionally empowered to
appoint the prime minister and the cabinet. Although a prime
minister need not be a member of the Chamber of Deputies, this has
usually been the case, particularly because the president must
consult with the deputies before naming a prime minister. The
president and the prime minister deliberate over the composition of
the cabinet and present the nominees to the Chamber of Deputies to
solicit a vote of confidence.
As the highest Muslim political official, the prime minster can
bring a significant amount of authority to his position, and indeed
this may have been the intent of Lebanon's "founding fathers." In
practice, however, the power of the prime minister has varied
according to his personality, his base of support, and the
preferences of the president he served. A distinguished prime
minister can enhance the prestige of the president, and the office
has been held by some fairly capable politicians, including Riyad
as Sulh, Saib Salam, and Rashid Karami.
Clearly, a prime minister's constitutionally mandated power is
small, and over the years his most effective methods of action have
been informal. His resignation could embarrass a president,
influence popular opinion, and increase Muslim opposition. He could
induce the Chamber of Deputies to voice a vote of no confidence and
force the president to reappoint a new list of ministers, thereby
stalling for a time governmental operations. In the end, however,
these informal weapons were virtually inconsequential in comparison
with the arsenal at the president's disposal. If a prime minister's
actions caused a president dismay, the minister could be dismissed
and replaced with a more pliable individual. For example, in 1973
when Salam resigned as prime minister to protest the government's
refusal to oppose with force Israeli attacks, President Franjiyah
nominated a political unknown to the post. Although the nomination
was defeated, the eventual replacement was decidedly less resistant
than Salam. Since the 1975 Civil War, the president has been forced
to treat his prime minister with greater deference, but in the late
1980s the balance of political power in what remained of the
official government was essentially unchanged from the prewar
status.
In theory, the cabinet is the vehicle through which the country
is administered. It is supposed to set policy, prepare legislative
bills, and appoint or dismiss top members of the bureaucracy.
Historically, however, ministers have often used their positions to
increase their patronage within their constituencies and to add to
their personal wealth. Unlike some other nations, in which the
president appoints a group of like-minded officials to the cabinet,
in Lebanon cabinets are often intricately formed bodies, designed
to accommodate diverse sectarian interests. Consequently, they
sometimes have degenerated into arenas for political sniping and
backroom machinations, with ever-changing coalitions and factions
being formed. It has not been uncommon for intracabinet antipathies
to paralyze the business of government. In the late 1980s, some
members of the cabinet were not even on speaking terms, and the
Muslim members boycotted the president for more than a year.
Any Lebanese can be appointed as a minister, but most often
influential zuama have held these positions. Less
frequently, for example during the 1975 Civil War, technocrats have
been called upon to serve as ministers. And, for a few days in
1975, military officers held ministerial slots
(see The Military Cabinet
, ch. 5). In general, certain ministries have been reserved
for the various sects; as a consequence, cabinets have not been
noted for their efficiency. One example of the anomalies that can
develop because of these circumstances is the 1955 cabinet in which
a Sunni ex-diplomat headed the Ministry of Public Works, while a
Maronite engineer became the foreign minister.
There is no set number of ministries, but historically it has
fluctuated between four and twenty-two, expanding and contracting
according to political exigencies. Sometimes a minister has held
more than one portfolio; as of early 1987, there were ten ministers
holding among them sixteen portfolios. And, as with much of
Lebanese politics, members of the same privileged families have
tended to hold cabinet positions. As an indication of postwar
reform, however, and in recognition of the growing Shia population,
in 1984 the Ministry of State for the South and Reconstruction was
created.
Typically, because of constant political pressures, cabinets
have been ephemeral. Between 1926 and 1964, the average life of
each cabinet was less than eight months. Even though cabinets were
in an almost constant state of dissolution and reformation, the
same men tended to be reappointed to the same or other posts. For
example, 333 ministerial posts were occupied by only 134
individuals from 1926 to 1963.
Data as of December 1987
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