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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Lebanon
Index
In April 1983, a terrorist attack destroyed the United States
embassy, and the ambassador moved diplomatic operations to his
official residence. The United States persevered in its efforts to
broker an Israeli-Lebanese agreement, and Israel announced its
willingness to negotiate. Although Israel had envisaged a treaty
like the Camp David Agreements with Egypt, entailing full bilateral
diplomatic recognition, it settled for mere "normalization." The
military and security articles of the May 17 Agreement between the
Israeli and Lebanese governments called for an abolition of the
state of war between the two countries, security arrangements to
ensure the sanctity of Israel's northern border, integration of
Major Haddad's SLA into the regular Lebanese Army, and Israeli
withdrawal.
The Israeli withdrawal was made contingent upon concurrent
Syrian withdrawal, however. The United States had decided not to
seek Syrian participation in the negotiations for the May 17
Agreement for fear of becoming entangled in the overall SyrianIsraeli imbroglio. Instead, the United States intended to seek
Syrian endorsement after the agreement was signed. But Syria
vehemently opposed the agreement, and because implementation hinged
on Syrian withdrawal, Damascus could exert veto power. Although
President Jumayyil made conciliatory overtures to Damascus, he also
notified the Arab League on June 4 that the ADF was no longer in
existence.
Syria responded by announcing on July 23, 1983, the foundation
of the National Salvation Front (NSF). This coalition comprised
many sects, including the Druzes led by Walid Jumblatt; Shias led
by Nabih Birri (also seen as Berri); Sunni Muslims led by Rashid
Karami; Christian elements led by Sulayman Franjiyah; and several
smaller, Syrian-sponsored, left-wing political parties. These
groups, together with Syria, controlled much more of Lebanon's
territory than did the central government. Therefore, the NSF
constituted a challenge not only to Jumayyil but also to his
patrons, the United States and Israel. To emphasize their
opposition to the May 17 Agreement, Syrian and Druze forces in the
mountains above the capital loosed a barrage of artillery fire on
Christian areas of Beirut, underscoring the weakness of Jumayyil's
government.
By mid-1983 the mood of optimism that had flourished at the end
of 1982 had disappeared. It became clear that the tentative
alliance of Lebanon's rival factions was merely a function of their
shared opposition to a common enemy, Israel. Terrorist activity
resumed, and between June and August 1983, at least twenty car
bombs exploded throughout Lebanon, killing over seventy people.
Lebanon's prime minister narrowly escaped death in one explosion.
Targets included a mosque in Tripoli; a television station,
hospital, and luxury hotel in Beirut; and a market in Baalbek.
The May 17 Agreement had significant implications for the MNF.
As a noncombatant interpositional force preventing the IDF from
entering Beirut, the MNF had been perceived by the Muslims in West
Beirut as a protector. As the Israeli withdrawal neared, however,
the MNF came to be regarded as a protagonist in the unfinished
Civil War, propping up the Jumayyil government. In August
militiamen began to bombard United States Marines positions near
Beirut International Airport with mortar and rocket fire as the
Lebanese Army fought Druze and Shia forces in the southern suburbs
of Beirut. On August 29, 1983, two Marines were killed and fourteen
wounded, and in the ensuing months the Marines came under almost
daily attack from artillery, mortar, rocket, and small-arms fire.
Data as of December 1987
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