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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Lebanon
Index
The army's inactivity continued under Shihab's successor,
Charles Hilu (also seen as Helou), who became president in 1964.
Hilu and his army commander refused to commit Lebanese troops to
the June 1967 War, enraging many Lebanese Muslims. In the aftermath
of that war, the army and its Deuxième Bureau turned a blind eye to
Palestinian guerrillas infiltrating Lebanon from Syria, an attitude
that angered Christians. But when the army did not interfere with
commando raids and the Israelis launched attacks into Lebanon in
retaliation against the Palestinian forces, the army and the
Deuxiéme Bureau were charged with collusion with Israel. In
December 1968, the government was humiliated when Israeli commandos
landed at Beirut International Airport and destroyed Middle East
Airlines aircraft with impunity.
In October 1969, Lebanese the Army took a more active role in
fighting Palestinian forces. Nevertheless, it was clear that the
army could decisively defeat the Palestinians only at the risk of
splitting the nation. Therefore, army commander General Emil
Bustani signed the Cairo Agreement in November 1969 with
Palestinian representatives
(see
The Hilu Era, (1964-70), ch. 1).
The Cairo Agreement remains officially secret, but it apparently
granted to the Palestinians the right to keep weapons in their
camps and to attack Israel across Lebanon's border. By sanctioning
the armed Palestinian presence, however, Lebanon surrendered full
sovereignty over military operations conducted within and across
its borders and became a party to the Arab-Israeli conflict.
A turning point in Lebanon's modern history occurred in 1970.
In that year, Sulayman Franjiyah (also seen as Franjieh) was
elected president. Franjiyah, who came from the Christian enclave
of Zgharta in northern Lebanon, was accused of promoting his own
power and catering to the interests of his clansmen instead of
confronting Lebanon's growing security problems. Believing that the
Deuxième Bureau was staffed with Shihab loyalists, Franjiyah purged
it and stripped it of its powers. But the Deuxième Bureau had been
the only governmental entity capable of monitoring and controlling
the Palestinians, and Franjiyah's action unintentionally gave the
Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) more freedom of action in
Lebanon. Meanwhile, the PLO made a bid to topple Jordan's King
Hussein, but it was crushed and evicted from the country--an event
known in the Palestinian lexicon as "Black September." Therefore,
the PLO leadership and guerrillas moved their main base of
operations from Jordan to Lebanon, where the Cairo Agreement
endorsed their presence. The influx of several hundred thousand
Palestinians upset Lebanon's delicate
confessional balance (see Glossary),
and polarized the nation into two camps--those who
supported and those who opposed the PLO presence.
Public order deteriorated with daily acts of violence between
Christians and Palestinians. Meanwhile, the Israeli Air Force
launched raids against the Palestinian refugee camps in retaliation
for PLO terrorist attacks in Western Europe. On April 10, 1973,
Israeli commandos infiltrated Beirut in a daring raid and attacked
Palestinian command centers in the heart of the capital, killing
three prominent PLO leaders. Once again, the conspicuous absence of
the Lebanese Army during the Israeli attack angered Lebanese
Muslims. Prime Minister Saib Salam claimed that Army commander
General Iskandar Ghanim--a Maronite--had disobeyed orders by not
resisting the Israeli raid, and he threatened to resign unless
Ghanim were stripped of his rank. Because Ghanim was allowed to
remain as army commander (until he was replaced by Hanna Said in
September 1975), Salam did resign and was succeeded by a series of
weak prime ministers.
When the Lebanese Army finally went into action, it was against
the PLO. In May 1973, fierce combat raged around the refugee camps
for two weeks. When the dust settled, it became clear to all
Lebanese that their army was not strong enough to control the PLO.
To end the fighting, the government negotiated the Melkart
Agreement, which on the one hand obligated the PLO to respect the
"independence, stability, and sovereignty" of Lebanon but on the
other hard ceded to the PLO virtual autonomy, including the right
to maintain its own militia forces in certain areas of Lebanon.
These provisions of the Melkart Agreement differed greatly from the
Cairo Agreement, which preserved the "exercise of full powers in
all regions and in all circumstances by Lebanese civilian and
military authorities."
Lebanese Muslims believed that under the Melkart Agreement
Palestinian refugees in Lebanon had been accorded a greater degree
of self-determination than some Lebanese citizens. Inspired by
this, they organized themselves politically and militarily and
tried to wrest similar concessions from the central government. In
1974 Druze leader Kamal Jumblatt (also seen as Junblatt)
established the Lebanese National Movement (formerly the Front for
Progressive Parties and National Forces), an umbrella group
comprising antigovernment forces.
Data as of December 1987
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