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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Lebanon
Index
Historically under a variety of rulers, Syria and Lebanon (as
well as some other countries) were considered one territory--
Greater Syria. It was only in 1920, while under the French mandate,
that Greater Lebanon, which approximates the modern state, was
separated from the larger entity. As a consequence, Lebanon and
Syria traditionally have had strong bonds. Following World War II,
after both had become independent, they shared a common currency
and customs union and discussed economic union. In fact, the two
had always been active trading partners, and when political
disputes arose, each country often used economic means to pressure
the other.
On a political level, the more powerful Syrian state has
sometimes been viewed with suspicion in Lebanon. But because of
intrasectarian feuds, no generalizations can be made in this
regard; at one time or another, Syria has developed or dissolved
friendships with a number of factions, Christian as well as Muslim.
In the 1950s and 1960s, Syria was wrestling with its own
internal problems and was unable to focus on Lebanon's domestic
ills. Even so, some sources have ascribed to Syria a prominent role
in aggravating the 1958 disturbances, claiming that it worked to
unseat the Shamun regime. Then, in the late 1960s the rise of
Palestinian guerrilla activity in southern Lebanon contributed to
tense relations with Syria. Although the Syrian government was
reluctant to permit guerrilla attacks to originate from Syrian soil
(for fear of Israeli reprisals), it was much less reticent to see
such activity occur in southern Lebanon. Thus, in 1973, when the
Lebanese Army finally engaged in fighting against Palestinian
guerrillas, Syria closed its borders in protest.
Since the start of the 1975 Civil War, Syrian involvement in
Lebanon has been substantial, if inconsistent. On the one hand, the
regime of President Hafiz al Assad has opposed the permanent
fragmentation of Lebanon, fearing that the creation of a Maronite
ministate would amount to the establishment of "another Israel." On
the other hand, Syria has resisted the notion of the formation of
a radical, left-wing state on its western border. Furthermore,
after having to deal with its own Muslim fundamentalist rebellion
in the late 1970s and early 1980s, Syria was concerned that a
radical Islamic state in Lebanon would have negative domestic
implications.
In the early stages of the Civil War, Syria acted as mediator,
arranging several cease-fires. In February 1976 Syria helped
formulate a political reform package, known as the Constitutional
Document, that granted more power to Muslims; this compromise,
however, was never implemented. When diplomacy failed, Syria
intervened militarily
(see Syrian Intervention
, ch. 5). In March
1976, as the battle was going badly for the largely Christian
Lebanese Front, Syria moved to prevent its total collapse, using
Palestinian units under its control. In May Syria was instrumental
in having Ilyas Sarkis, a pro-Syrian technocrat, elected president.
By January 1977 about 27,000 Syrian troops were in Lebanon,
technically as the largest part of the Arab Deterrent Force, set up
by the League of Arab States (Arab League) in October 1976
(see The Riyadh Conference and the Arab Deterrent Force
, ch. 5).
As the conflict wore on, the situation changed dramatically for
Syria. In 1978 Bashir Jumayyil began his drive to incorporate all
Christian militias under his LF
(see Political Parties and Groupings
, this ch.;
The Ascendancy of Bashir Jumayyil
, ch. 5). He
provoked Syria's animosity by decimating in June 1978 The Marada
Baigade, the pro-Syrian Franjiyah militia, and by his increasingly
close ties to Israel. In response, Syria began to attack vigorously
its erstwhile allies, the Christian forces, in effect making a
complete about-face.
In the 1980s, Syria was the dominant external actor in Lebanon.
It physically controlled much of the country, over which it imposed
its will. At times, Syrian inaction, such as allowing one faction
to war on another, had just as much impact as its active measures.
Nonetheless, Syrian influence has had its limits. Its ability to
impose stability--if, indeed, that was Assad's intention--has been
frustrated by the multiplicity of factions, each with a different
agenda. These limitations were visible during the 1982 invasion
when Syria--alone among the Arab nations--opposed the Israel
Defense Forces (IDF) on Lebanese soil. Although it acquitted itself
well, the Syrian Army was unable to halt the IDF advance or to
prevent its own ejection from Beirut. Later, the insertion of the
Multinational Force (MNF) also reduced Syrian influence for a time.
In 1983, when Israel pressured the government of Amin Jumayyil to
sign an accord, called the May 17 Agreement, that normalized
relations between the two countries, Syria vehemently objected. It
sponsored the formation of the National Salvation Front, a
coalition of pro-Syrian groups, both Christian and Muslim, to
oppose the agreement. The Syrian effort eventually succeeded, and
on March 6, 1985, Jumayyil abrogated the May 17 Agreement and
Israel finally withdrew some of its forces from parts of Lebanon
(see The May 17 Agreement
, ch. 5).
There were additional examples of the strengths and limitations
of Syrian influence in Lebanon. Syria brokered the Tripartite
Accord, signed in late 1985 by the leaders of the main armed
factions--Nabih Birri of Amal, Walid Jumblatt of the PSP, and Elie
Hubayka of the LF. The accord's aim was to impose peace and to
restructure the Lebanese Army
(see Chaos in Beirut and Syrian Peacemaking Efforts
, ch. 5). But when Jumayyil and anti-Syrian
elements in the LF rebelled, the accord collapsed.
As of late 1987, Syrian troops were back in Beirut trying to
keep peace, and Syrian influence was again significant. Even so, a
true Syrian-imposed stabilty had not been achieved.
Data as of December 1987
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