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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Lebanon
Index
Although Lebanon joined with other Arab nations in the armed
resistance against the creation of Israel in 1948, because of the
small size of its armed forces Lebanon's action had little effect.
Nonetheless, because of Lebanon's participation, in 1987 its
southern border remained the line agreed to in the 1949 armistice
(see
fig. 1).
Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, Lebanese politicians for the
most part sought to insulate Lebanon from the Arab-Israeli dispute.
With its booming economy and high standard of living, the Lebanese
elite had much to lose. Lebanon, therefore, abstained from the
conflicts of 1956, 1967, and 1973.
Because Lebanon never presented a serious military threat,
Israel has been more concerned about Palestinian guerrilla attacks
launched from Lebanon, and, secondarily, about the presence of
Syrian troops there. Since the 1960s, there has been a cyclical
pattern of Palestinian guerrilla attacks on Israel and IDF attacks
on Palestinian targets. In the aftermath of the 1975 Civil War,
Lebanese-generated security concerns grew for Israel. At the same
time, the breakdown of Lebanon's central government provided
opportunities for Israel to act. Around 1975, Israel sponsored the
creation of a surrogate force, led by Lebanese Christian Major Saad
Haddad, based in a corridor along Lebanon's southern border. This
force, which called itself the Free Lebanon Army (but was later
renamed the South Lebanon Army [SLA] under leader Antoine Lahad),
was intended to prevent infiltration into Israel of Palestinian
guerrillas. In 1978 Israel invaded Lebanon, clearing out
Palestinian strongholds as far north as the Litani River. Another
consequence of the Israeli invasion was the establishment in
southern Lebanon of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon,
whose mission was to separate the various combatants.
As serious as the 1978 incursion was, it paled in comparison
with the 1982 Israeli invasion, which affected all of the southern
half of Lebanon as far north as Beirut
(see The 1982 Israeli Invasion and Its Aftermath
, ch. 5). This action had several direct
consequences. First, it resulted in the deaths of several hundred
Palestinian fighters and the expulsion of several thousand more,
not to mention several thousand Lebanese and Palestinian casualties
and massive destruction. For a time, the invasion and occupation
diminished Syrian influence, as the Syrian Army was forced north
and east. The Israeli occupation promoted the creation of the MNF,
made up of military units from Britain, France, Italy, and the
United States, which supervised the Palestinian evacuation and
later stayed to keep the peace. The IDF occupation also created an
expedient climate for Bashir Jumayyil (and, subsequently, for his
brother Amin) to win the presidency.
In addition, there were several less direct consequences. The
occupation of Muslim West Beirut allowed Christian forces on
September 27-28, 1982, to enter the Palestinian refugee camps of
Sabra and Shatila, where they massacred several hundred civilians.
Lebanese Shias, who were severely affected by the invasion and
occupation, turned their enmity on the Israelis. As a show of
support for their coreligionists, the government of Iran, with
Syrian approval, dispatched a contingent of the Pasdaran to the
Biqa Valley. Anti-Israeli Shia opposition burgeoned during the
occupation, and there were several suicide-bombing incidents
perpetrated against IDF positions
(see Suicide Bombings
, ch. 5).
In 1987 Israel's relations with Lebanon continued to revolve
around the issue of security. Israel retained its support of the
SLA's activities in southern Lebanon, maintained its ties to the
LF, and perpetuated its policy of attacking Palestinian and
Lebanese targets that Israel labeled "terrorist" bases.
Data as of December 1987
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