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Laos
Index
Lao Loum (Laotian of the valley), have been the
dominant group-
-numerically, politically, and economically--since the
founding of
the Kingdom of Lan Xang in the fourteenth century. The Lao
of the
Lao Loum ethnic group comprise just over 50 percent of the
total
population. Other related lowland groups include the Lue
and Phu
Thai, who together make up an additional 15 percent of the
population. Groups such as the Tai Dam and Tai Deng are
included by
government statistics in the general category Phu Thai
despite
linguistic and cultural differences from other lowland
groups.
Variations occur regionally and among different ethnic
subgroups,
but the general patterns are relatively uniform. Most
officials in
the RLG were Lao Loum, and despite increases in the number
of
minority officials in the government, the lowland Lao held
a clear
majority in the early 1990s. Lowland cultural patterns are
frequently considered the norm in designing policy or
setting
development priorities.
Lao Loum traditionally live in stable independent
villages
situated near lowland rivers or streams. At higher
elevations,
villages are located in valley areas that give as much
access as
possible to land suitable for paddy rice cultivation.
Villages are
self-contained and range from around twenty to over 200
households,
although they typically contain forty or fifty houses and
200 to
300 people. Usually, villages are separated by rice fields
or
unused land. In rural areas, there might be five
kilometers or more
between villages, whereas in more densely populated areas
only one
kilometer or less separates the settlements. Most villages
have
grown in population over time, and if good land becomes
scarce in
the vicinity, it is not uncommon for some families to
migrate to
another area, either individually or as a group.
Individual
households usually move to another village where the
family has kin
or friends, but larger groups have often migrated to
unsettled
areas. Such village fission or relocation continued into
the early
1990s, although migrants had to obtain permission from the
district
administration before settling in a new site.
The traditional independence and relative isolation of
lowland
villages has been reduced since the late 1980s. Although
commerce
in forest products--for example, sticklac--dates to
colonial times,
as roads have improved and marketing networks expanded,
the
government has encouraged commercial production for trade
and
export. As long as the open economic policies of the New
Economic
Mechanism are operating, the process of integrating
lowland
villages into a national socioeconomic system will likely
continue
(see Agriculture and Forestry;
Foreign Trade
, ch. 3).
Lao Loum houses are built on wooden piles with the
floor from
one to two-and one-half meters above the ground. This
style keeps
the living area above the mud of the rainy season,
provides a shady
area under the house to work or rest during the day, and
allows the
house to catch breezes for natural cooling. Depending on
the wealth
and resources of the family, the walls and floor may be
made of
woven split bamboo or sawn wood; the roof is constructed
from grass
thatch, bamboo, wood shingles, or corrugated steel roofing
sheet.
Some older houses in well-off villages are roofed with
clay tiles,
but this style was no longer common in the early 1990s. A
separate
rice granary is built in the house compound, also on posts
using
similar construction. Livestock is sometimes kept under
the house.
Houses commonly range from five by seven meters to
eight by
twelve meters, with the smallest size typical of a newly
established household or a family that has recently moved.
Most
houses are built with a porch on the long side that is
used for
visiting and as a public area. The interior is divided
into one or
two sleeping rooms, a common room for visiting and eating,
and a
separate kitchen area or side porch. Household furnishings
are
simple: mats or mattresses and blankets for sleeping on
the floor,
a low woven bamboo and rattan table for eating, and a few
pots and
dishes for cooking and eating. Lao Loum sit on the floor
and eat
from common bowls of soup or other dishes. Steamed rice is
distributed among two or three common baskets placed
around the
edge of the table.
Lao Loum households average between six and eight
persons, but
may reach twelve or so in exceptional cases. The family
structure
is typically nuclear or stem: a married couple and their
unmarried
children, or an older married couple together with one
married
child and his or her spouse plus unmarried children and
grandchildren. Because kinship is reckoned bilaterally and
flexibly, Lao Loum may maintain close social relationships
with kin
who are only distantly related by blood. Terms of address
for
persons in an older generation distinguish whether the
relationship
is through the father's or mother's side and elder from
younger
siblings.
Marriage occurs through a blend of traditional and
modern
practices. In earlier generations, marriages may have been
arranged
by the families, but at least since the 1960s, most
couples usually
have made their own choice, which is communicated to the
parents.
A bride-price is negotiated, which often defrays the
expenses of
the wedding. The wedding takes place at the home of the
bride's
family, with whom the couple initially resides either in
the same
house or nearby. The groom helps with farming in the
bride's family
for several years until the couple feels they are
economically
ready to establish a separate household. Even then, they
may
continue to farm jointly with the older generation and
either
divide the harvest or eat from a common granary. A bride
may
sometimes move into her husband's household, but
uxorilocal
residence is somewhat more common. Initial uxorilocal
residence
combined with the sequential establishment of separate
households
by each older sibling frequently leaves the youngest
daughter and
her husband to care for the aged parents and ultimately to
inherit
the house. All the children divide lands and other
valuables.
Polygyny is traditionally allowed but uncommon since
the LPDR
government outlawed it shortly after coming to power.
Further,
having multiple wives generally was restricted to the
elite because
it required the ability to maintain a larger household.
However,
many men have mistresses. Divorce may be initiated by
either party.
If a couple encounters domestic difficulties, the two
families
usually address the problem first. If necessary, the
village elders
join the attempt to resolve the couple's differences and
achieve a
reconciliation. After a divorce, both husband and wife may
return
to their families of birth, unless either can make a
living other
than from farming. Children of divorce may remain with
either
parent. In the case of a spouse's death, the widow or
widower may
return to their natal household but more commonly maintain
an
independent household or remarry. The choice often hinges
on the
ages of children; if none are old enough to help in the
fields, the
family has a difficult time surviving without extra help.
The lowland Lao village economy is centered on paddy
rice
cultivation, and most village activities and daily life
revolve
around rice production. Glutinous, or sticky rice is the
staple
food; because it has a high starch content, sticky rice
must be
steamed rather than boiled. It is eaten with the fingers
and dipped
in soup or a vegetable or meat dish. Most Lao Loum
villages are
self-sufficient in rice production, although the
production of
individual households within a village varies. Household
work
centers on paddy production from the beginning of the
rains in May
through December when all the rice has been brought to
storage.
Periods of intense work occur at the time of transplanting
and
harvesting, and cooperative work groups are often
organized among
several families to help get the tasks completed in a
timely
manner.
Where level terrain is inadequate, lowland Lao also
practice
swidden rice farming. This method is less efficient than
paddy rice
cultivation, which provides higher and more stable yields
for less
work. In certain villages, swidden rice is grown only in
some years
as a supplement to paddy rice production, whereas in
others it is
planted regularly in small quantities. Some Lao Loum
villages have
no land suitable for rice paddies and are completely
dependent on
swidden rice production. Newly established villages may
first clear
fields and plant swidden rice for a year or two before
plowing and
bunding the fields to convert them to paddies.
In addition to paddy rice, most households also have a
small
vegetable garden and some fruit trees, either in the house
compound
or near a stream or other water source. Other crops
include cotton,
tobacco, and sugarcane, but they are usually planted only
in small
quantities for personal use. Villagers also raise
chickens, ducks,
and pigs, as well as a buffalo or two for plowing the
fields and
perhaps a pair of cattle for pulling a cart. In general,
rural
households are largely self-sufficient, growing their own
food,
making their own tools and clothes, and trading any
surplus for
soap, kerosene, medicines, and kitchen or household goods.
Hunting, fishing, and gathering traditionally play an
important
role in the household economy, although as the population
has
increased and wild areas have been degraded, access to
these
resources has gradually deteriorated. Homemade rifles are
used to
hunt small deer, wild pigs, and small game such as
squirrels and
birds; fish are caught with a variety of nets, traps, or
hooks.
Bamboo shoots, mushrooms, fruit, medicinal or culinary
roots, and
leaves are gathered in the forest according to the season.
Men hunt
and fish with throw nets and hooks, while women fish with
dip nets
and baskets and collect roots and wild vegetables.
Household tasks are typically divided according to
gender, but
the divisions are not rigid, and men and women often
perform tasks
interchangeably. For example, both sexes cut and carry
firewood.
Women and children traditionally carry water for household
use and
to cultivate kitchen gardens. Women do most of the
cooking,
household cleaning, and washing and serve as primary
caretakers for
small children. They are the main marketers of surplus
household
food and other petty production, and women are usually the
commercial marketers for vegetables, fruit, fish, poultry,
and
basic household dry goods. Men typically market cattle,
buffalo, or
pigs and are responsible for the purchase of any
mechanical items.
Intrafamily decision making usually requires discussions
between
husband and wife, but the husband usually acts as the
family
representative in village meetings or other official
functions. In
farming work, men traditionally plow and harrow the rice
fields,
while women uproot the seedlings before transplanting
them. Both
sexes transplant, harvest, thresh, and carry rice.
Occupational specialization in the village is low;
virtually
everyone is a rice farmer first. Some villagers may have
special
skills in weaving, blacksmithing, or religious knowledge,
but these
skills are supplementary to the fundamental task of
growing enough
rice and vegetables for the family. Social and economic
stratification tends to be low within any one village,
although
villages may differ substantially one from another. Status
accrues
to age, wealth, skill in specific tasks, and religious
knowledge.
Factions based on kinship or political alliance may exist
in a
village but usually do not obstruct overall village
cooperation and
governance.
Traditionally, lowland Lao villages are led by a
village chief
(pho ban or nai ban) and one or two
assistants who
are elected by the villagers, although district or
province
officials sometimes use their positions to influence the
results.
Respected elders, including women, form an advisory group
that
deliberates intravillage disputes. Since 1975 villages
have been
governed by an administrative committee headed by a
village
president (pathan ban) and several other persons
with
responsibilities for such specific areas as economic and
population
records, self-defense militia, agriculture, women's
affairs, and
youth affairs. All members are in principle elected by
popular
vote, although for about a decade after 1975, party cadres
at the
village level were supposed to have taken an active role
to ensure
that acceptable candidates were selected.
Even under the present political system, however,
village
leaders have little or no formal authority and govern
through
consensus and the use of social pressure to ensure
conformity.
Village meetings are held infrequently but are usually
well
attended with different viewpoints on issues expressed
openly. If
a consensus on an issue is not reached, leaders will delay
decisions to allow further discussion outside the meeting
with all
members of the community. Typical issues might include
whether to
build or expand a village school or dig a community well,
or how to
organize the annual ceremony for the village protective
spirit.
Historically, religious and ceremonial activities and ties
with the
Buddhist temple or monastery (wat) have been very
important
in village life and a focus of considerable time and
expenditure.
Each family contributes equal amounts of labor,
material, and
money to village projects. Once a decision is made to
undertake a
project, a committee is appointed to manage the details
and keep
track of the contributions to ensure that everyone does
his or her
share. Systems of rotating labor groups for village
projects are
common; for example, groups of ten households may supply
one worker
per household every three to seven days, depending on the
number of
groups, until the project is finished. Some large
projects, such as
building a school, may continue for several years, with
work taking
place during the dry season when farming tasks are not
heavy or
when funds are available to purchase materials.
Households also cooperate informally, especially in
agricultural work. Labor exchange occurs for almost every
task
associated with rice farming, although it is most common
for
transplanting, harvesting, and threshing. There are two
different
patterns of farm exchange. In central and southern Laos,
villagers
call on many other households, sometimes the entire
village, for
one day's help to complete a specific task such as
transplanting.
No specific repayment is required, but the family is
obligated to
help others in the village if they are unable to finish
work in
time. In northern villages, mutual assistance is organized
on the
basis of exchanges between families that should even out
over the
year; a day's work transplanting may be repaid by a day's
work
threshing. The contributions of men, women, and children
over
sixteen are considered equal, regardless of the task.
Houses are typically built by hand using local
materials, and
once the householder has collected enough wood, bamboo,
and/or
thatching grass, he will ask his neighbors and relatives
to assist
in the house raising. It usually takes twenty people a day
or two
to assemble the frame and raise the heavy timbers. Once
the heavy
work is completed, the owners finish construction over the
ensuing
weeks. In this work as well as farm labor exchange, the
host family
provides a meal to all those coming to help. For common
farmwork,
the meal is relatively simple and usually includes a
chicken or
duck and a bottle of local rice liquor. For a house
raising, the
meal is more elaborate--a pig or small ox and considerably
more
liquor after the task is done. Illness, death, or other
household
emergencies also elicit help from one's neighbors.
Lowland Lao are almost all Buddhists, and most villages
have a
wat, which serves as both a social and religious
center
(see Buddhism
, this ch.). Whereas small villages may have only
one or
two monks in residence plus a few novice monks, larger
villages may
have up six monks plus novices
(see Religion
, this ch.).
Many
villagers assemble at the wat for prayers on the
days of
each lunar quarter; on days of major religious festivals,
they
carry out more elaborate ceremonies and may organize a
boun
(religious fair) at the wat. Before the development
of a
national education system, boys and young men received
basic
religious and secular education at the wat. The
wat
is frequently used as a place for village meetings,
because the
hall is often the only building large enough to
accommodate
everyone at once. Most villages have a small wat
committee
to oversee the maintenance of the building, organization
of the
fair, and the general welfare of the monks and novices.
The
committee members are selected by consensus on the basis
of their
morality and religious sincerity and usually have been
monks at
some time in their lives.
Although they are Buddhists, Lao Loum also respect the
power of
phi (spirits), which may be associated with a place
or a
deceased person. More important for village organization
is the
cult of a village protective deity, or phi ban,
which is
typically celebrated yearly. Many villages have abandoned
this
practice in the face of increased modernization and
official
discouragement by the government. However, some villages
continued
through the early 1990s to offer an annual sacrifice to
the phi
ban in a ceremony that both reaffirmed the importance
of the
village as a unique social unit and aimed to secure the
continued
good fortune of the village and its inhabitants.
Data as of July 1994
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