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Laos
Index
The historical evolution of Laos created identifiable
layers of
bureaucratic behavior. Traditional royal customs and
Buddhist
practices set the foundation. Next, there was an overlay
of French
influence, the product of colonial rule from 1890 to 1954.
During
this period, several generations of Laotian bureaucrats
were
trained and often placed in subordinate rank to
French-imported
Vietnamese civil servants. The administration used French
as the
official language and followed French colonial
administrative
practices. From 1954 to 1975, there was an increase in
United
States influence, and the United States provided training
and
educational opportunities for future bureaucrats as well
as
employment in United States agencies. Because of its
brevity,
however, the United States impact was far less pervasive
than the
French.
When the communists seized power in 1975, a new layer
of
bureaucrats--strongly influenced by North Vietnam and the
Soviet
Union and its allies--was added. Many of the
French-trained and
United States-influenced bureaucrats fled across the
Mekong River.
Of those who stayed, perhaps 10,000 to 15,000 were sent to
seminar
camps or reeducation centers (see
"Seminar Camps" and the Death of Savang Vatthana, ch. 1;
Detention Centers
, ch. 5). The few
Westerntrained bureaucrats who remained possessed French- or
Englishlanguage skills and the technical competence needed to
deal
effectively with the Western foreign aid donors so
critical to the
economy. The Western-trained bureaucrats were essential
because not
many of the new revolutionary cadres who moved into key
positions
of bureaucratic authority had much formal education,
knowledge of
a foreign language, or competence in the technical and
managerial
skills necessary to run a national economy. The few cadres
in each
ministry who were capable of managing the economy were
often
unavailable because there were so many demands for their
services:
for example, meeting with visiting foreign delegations,
traveling
to international meetings, and attending political
training
sessions.
Since its inception, the LPDR bureaucracy has been
lethargic
and discouraged individual initiative. It has been
dangerous to
take unorthodox positions. Some officials have been
arrested on
suspicion of corruption or ideological deviation: for
example,
"pro-Chinese" sentiment. Initiative has been further
constrained by
the lack of legal safeguards, formal trial procedures, and
an
organized system of appeal. The beginnings of a penal
code, which
the SPA endorsed in 1989, and the promulgation of a
constitution in
1991, however, may solidify the system of justice and
provide a
clear definition as to what constitutes a crime against
socialist
morality, the party, or the state.
The lethargy of the bureaucracy is understandable
within the
cultural context of Laos. As a peasant society at the
lower end of
the modernization scale, the LPDR has adopted few of the
work
routines associated with modern administration. Foreign
aid
administrators frequently point out that Laotian
administrators
have difficulty creating patterns or precedents, or
learning from
experience. Laotians are known for their light-hearted,
easy-going
manner. This bo pinh nyang (never mind--don't worry
about
it) attitude is reflected in the languid pace of
administration.
Official corruption has also been acknowledged as
problematic.
Kaysone acknowledged the bureaucracy's low level of
competence.
In his report to the Fourth Party Congress in 1986, he
chided those
in authority who gave "preference only to (their friends)
or those
from the same locality or race; paying attention to only
their
birth origin, habits and one particular sphere of
education."
Patronage is but one area that has come under scrutiny and
resulted
in admonishments to strengthen inspection and control.
Kaysone
further railed against "dogmatism, privatism, racial
narrowmindedness , regionalism and localism."
Data as of July 1994
Figure 9. Structure of the Government, 1993
Bureaucratic Culture
The historical evolution of Laos created identifiable
layers of
bureaucratic behavior. Traditional royal customs and
Buddhist
practices set the foundation. Next, there was an overlay
of French
influence, the product of colonial rule from 1890 to 1954.
During
this period, several generations of Laotian bureaucrats
were
trained and often placed in subordinate rank to
French-imported
Vietnamese civil servants. The administration used French
as the
official language and followed French colonial
administrative
practices. From 1954 to 1975, there was an increase in
United
States influence, and the United States provided training
and
educational opportunities for future bureaucrats as well
as
employment in United States agencies. Because of its
brevity,
however, the United States impact was far less pervasive
than the
French.
When the communists seized power in 1975, a new layer
of
bureaucrats--strongly influenced by North Vietnam and the
Soviet
Union and its allies--was added. Many of the
French-trained and
United States-influenced bureaucrats fled across the
Mekong River.
Of those who stayed, perhaps 10,000 to 15,000 were sent to
seminar
camps or reeducation centers (see
"Seminar Camps" and the Death of Savang Vatthana, ch. 1;
Detention Centers
, ch. 5). The few
Westerntrained bureaucrats who remained possessed French- or
Englishlanguage skills and the technical competence needed to
deal
effectively with the Western foreign aid donors so
critical to the
economy. The Western-trained bureaucrats were essential
because not
many of the new revolutionary cadres who moved into key
positions
of bureaucratic authority had much formal education,
knowledge of
a foreign language, or competence in the technical and
managerial
skills necessary to run a national economy. The few cadres
in each
ministry who were capable of managing the economy were
often
unavailable because there were so many demands for their
services:
for example, meeting with visiting foreign delegations,
traveling
to international meetings, and attending political
training
sessions.
Since its inception, the LPDR bureaucracy has been
lethargic
and discouraged individual initiative. It has been
dangerous to
take unorthodox positions. Some officials have been
arrested on
suspicion of corruption or ideological deviation: for
example,
"pro-Chinese" sentiment. Initiative has been further
constrained by
the lack of legal safeguards, formal trial procedures, and
an
organized system of appeal. The beginnings of a penal
code, which
the SPA endorsed in 1989, and the promulgation of a
constitution in
1991, however, may solidify the system of justice and
provide a
clear definition as to what constitutes a crime against
socialist
morality, the party, or the state.
The lethargy of the bureaucracy is understandable
within the
cultural context of Laos. As a peasant society at the
lower end of
the modernization scale, the LPDR has adopted few of the
work
routines associated with modern administration. Foreign
aid
administrators frequently point out that Laotian
administrators
have difficulty creating patterns or precedents, or
learning from
experience. Laotians are known for their light-hearted,
easy-going
manner. This bo pinh nyang (never mind--don't worry
about
it) attitude is reflected in the languid pace of
administration.
Official corruption has also been acknowledged as
problematic.
Kaysone acknowledged the bureaucracy's low level of
competence.
In his report to the Fourth Party Congress in 1986, he
chided those
in authority who gave "preference only to (their friends)
or those
from the same locality or race; paying attention to only
their
birth origin, habits and one particular sphere of
education."
Patronage is but one area that has come under scrutiny and
resulted
in admonishments to strengthen inspection and control.
Kaysone
further railed against "dogmatism, privatism, racial
narrowmindedness , regionalism and localism."
Data as of July 1994
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