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Laos
Index
Buddhism was the state religion of the Kingdom of Laos,
and the
organization of the Buddhist community of monks and
novices, the
clergy (sangha), paralleled the political
hierarchy. The
faith was introduced beginning in the eighth century by
Mon
Buddhist monks and was widespread by the fourteenth
century
(see Early History
, ch. 1). A number of Laotian kings were
important
patrons of Buddhism. Virtually all lowland Lao were
Buddhists in
the early 1990s, as well as some Lao Theung who have
assimilated to
lowland culture. Since 1975 the communist government has
not
opposed Buddhism but rather has attempted to manipulate it
to
support political goals, and with some success. Increased
prosperity and a relaxation of political control
stimulated a
revival of popular Buddhist practices in the early 1990s.
Lao Buddhists belong to the Theravada tradition, based
on the
earliest teachings of the Buddha and preserved in Sri
Lanka after
Mahayana Buddhism branched off in the second century B.C.
Theravada Buddhism (see Glossary)
is also the dominant school in
Thailand and
Cambodia.
Theravada Buddhism is neither prescriptive,
authoritative, nor
exclusive in its attitude toward its followers and is
tolerant of
other religions. It is based on three concepts:
dharma (see Glossary),
the doctrine of the Buddha, a guide to right
action and belief;
karma (see Glossary),
the retribution of actions,
the
responsibility of a person for all his or her actions in
all past
and present incarnations; and sangha, within which
a man can
improve the sum of his actions. There is no promise of
heaven or
life after death but rather salvation in the form of a
final
extinction of one's being and release from the cycle of
births and
deaths and the inevitable suffering while part of that
cycle. This
state of extinction, nirvana, comes after having achieved
enlightenment regarding the illusory nature of existence.
The essence of Buddhism is contained in the Four Noble
Truths
taught by the Buddha: suffering exists; suffering has a
cause,
which is the thirst or craving for existence; this craving
can be
stopped; and there is an Eightfold Path by which a
permanent state
of peace can be attained. Simply stated, the Eightfold
Path
consists of right understanding, right purpose, right
speech, right
conduct, right vocation, right effort, right thinking, and
right
meditation.
The average person cannot hope for nirvana at the end
of this
life, but by complying with the basic rules of moral
conduct, can
improve karma and thereby better his or her condition in
the next
incarnation. The doctrine of karma holds that, through the
working
of a just and impersonal cosmic law, actions in this life
and in
all previous incarnations determine which position along
the
hierarchy of living beings a person will occupy in the
next
incarnation. Karma can be favorably affected by avoiding
these five
prohibitions: killing, stealing, forbidden sexual
pleasures, lying,
and taking intoxicants. The most effective way to improve
karma is
to earn merit (het boun--literally, to do good--in
Lao).
Although any act of benevolence or generosity can earn
merit,
Laotians believe the best opportunities for merit come
from support
for the sangha and participation in its activities.
Traditionally, all males are expected to spend a period
as a
monk or novice prior to marriage and possibly in old age,
and the
majority of Lao Loum men probably did so until the 1970s.
Being
ordained also brings great merit to one's parents. The
period of
ordination need not be long--it could last only for the
three-month
Lenten retreat period--but many men spend years in the
sangha gaining both secular and religious
knowledge. Study
of the Pali language, in which all Theravada texts are
written, is
a fundamental component of religious training. Ordination
as a monk
also requires a man to comply with the 227 rules of the
monastic
order; novices--those under twenty years old--must obey
seventy-
five rules; and lay persons are expected to observe the
five
prohibitions. Only a few women, usually elderly, become
Buddhist
nuns; they live a contemplative and ascetic life but do
not lead
religious ceremonies as do monks.
Monks are trying to develop detachment from the world
and thus,
may have no possessions but must rely on the generosity of
people
for food and clothing. These gifts provide an important
opportunity
for the giver to earn merit. Women are more active than
men in
preparing and presenting rice and other food to monks, who
make
their morning rounds through the town carrying a bowl to
receive
offerings that are their only nourishment for the day. In
villages
where there are only a few monks or novices, the women of
the
village often take turns bringing food to the wat
each
morning. Attendance at prayers held at the wat on
the
quarter, full, and new moon of each lunar cycle also
provides a
regular means of gaining merit.
Major religious festivals occur several times a year.
The
beginning and end of the Lenten retreat period at the full
moon of
the eighth and eleventh months are occasions for special
offerings
of robes and religious articles to the monks. During
Buddhist Lent,
both monks and laity attempt to observe Buddhist precepts
more
closely. Monks must sleep at their own wat every
night--
rather than being free to travel--and are expected to
spend more
time in meditation. Offerings to monks and attendance at
full-moon
prayers are also greater than at other times. Vixakha
Bouxa, which
celebrates the birth, enlightenment, and death of Buddha
at the
full moon of the sixth month--usually May--corresponds
with the
rocket festival (boun bang fai), which heralds the
start of
the rains. The date of Boun Phavet, which commemorates the
charity
and detachment of Prince Vessantara, an earlier
incarnation of the
Buddha, varies within the dry season, and, aside from its
religious
orientation, serves as an important opportunity for a
village to
host its neighbors in a twenty-four-hour celebration
centering on
monks reciting the entire scripture related to Vessantara.
That
Luang, a Lao-style stupa, is the most sacred Buddhist
monument in
Laos and the location of the nationally important festival
and fair
in November.
For the Lao Loum, the wat is one of the two
focal points
of village life (the other is the school). The wat
provides
a symbol of village identity as well as a location for
ceremonies
and festivals. Prior to the establishment of secular
schools,
village boys received basic education from monks at the
wat.
Nearly every lowland village has a wat, and some
have two.
Minimally, a wat must have a residence building for
the
monks and novices (vihan), and a main building
housing the
Buddha statues (sim), which is used for secular
village
meetings as well as for prayer sessions. Depending on the
wealth
and contributions of the villagers, the buildings vary
from simple
wood and bamboo structures to large, ornate brick and
concrete
edifices decorated with colorful murals and tile roofs
shaped to
mimic the curve of the naga, the mythical snake or
water
dragon. An administrative committee made up of respected
older men
manages the financial and organizational affairs of the
wat.
Buddhist ceremonies generally do not mark events in a
life-
cycle, with the exception of death. Funerals may be quite
elaborate
if the family can afford it but are rather simple in rural
settings. The body lies in a coffin at home for several
days,
during which monks pray, and a continual stream of
visitors pay
their respects to the family and share food and drink.
After this
period, the body is taken in the coffin to a cremation
ground and
burned, again attended by monks. The ashes are then
interred in a
small shrine on the wat grounds.
Beginning in the late 1950s, the Pathet Lao attempted
to
convert monks to the leftist cause and to use the status
of the
sangha to influence the thoughts and attitudes of
the
populace. The effort was in many ways successful, despite
efforts
by the RLG to place the sangha under close civil
administrative control and to enlist monks in development
and
refugee assistance programs. Political scientist
Stuart-Fox
attributed the success of the Pathet Lao to the inability
of the
Lao Loum elite to integrate the monarchy, government, and
sangha into a set of mutually supportive
institutions.
Popular resentment of the aristocracy, division of the
sangha into two antagonistic sects, the low level
of its
religious education and discipline, and opposition to
foreign
(i.e., Western) influence all contributed to the
receptiveness of
many monks to Pathet Lao overtures. The politicization of
the
sangha by both sides lowered its status in the eyes
of many,
but its influence at the village level augmented popular
support
for the Pathet Lao political platform, which paved the way
for the
change in government in 1975.
The LPDR government's successful efforts to consolidate
its
authority also continues to influence Buddhism. In
political
seminars at all levels, the government taught that Marxism
and
Buddhism were basically compatible because both
disciplines stated
that all men are equal, and both aimed to end suffering.
Political
seminars further discouraged "wasteful" expenditures on
religious
activities of all kinds, because some monks were sent to
political
reeducation centers and others were forbidden to preach.
The
renunciation of private property by the monks was seen as
approaching the ideal of a future communist society.
However,
Buddhist principles of detachment and nonmaterialism are
clearly at
odds with the Marxist doctrine of economic development,
and popular
expenditures on religious donations for merit making are
also seen
as depriving the state of resources. Thus, although
overtly
espousing tolerance of Buddhism, the state undercut the
authority
and moral standing of the sangha by compelling
monks to
spread party propaganda and by keeping local monks from
their
traditional participation in most village decisions and
activities.
During this period of political consolidation, many monks
left the
sangha or fled to Thailand. Other pro-Pathet Lao
monks
joined the newly formed Lao United Buddhists Association,
which
replaced the former religious hierarchy. The numbers of
men and
boys being ordained declined abruptly, and many wat
fell
empty. Participation at weekly and monthly religious
ceremonies
also dropped off as villagers under the watchful eye of
local
political cadre were fearful of any behavior not
specifically
encouraged.
The nadir of Buddhism in Laos occurred around 1979,
after which
a strategic liberalization of policy occurred. Since that
time, the
number of monks has gradually increased, although as of
1993, the
main concentrations continue to be in Vientiane and other
Mekong
Valley cities. Buddhist schools in the cities remain but
have come
to include a significant political component in the
curriculum.
Party officials are allowed to participate at Buddhist
ceremonies
and even to be ordained as monks to earn religious merit
following
the death of close relatives. The level of religious
understanding
and orthodoxy of the sangha, however, is no higher
than it
had been before 1975, when it was justly criticized by
many as
backward and unobservant of the precepts.
From the late 1980s, stimulated as much by economic
reform as
political relaxation, donations to the wat and
participation
at Buddhist festivals began to increase sharply. Festivals
at the
village and neighborhood level became more elaborate, and
the That
Luang festival and fair, which until 1986 had been
restricted to a
three-day observance, lasted for seven days. Ordinations
also
increased, in towns and at the village level, and
household
ceremonies of blessing, in which monks were central
participants,
also began to recur. Although the role of Buddhism has
been
permanently changed by its encounter with the socialist
government,
it appears that Buddhism's fundamental importance to
lowland Lao
and to the organization of Lao Loum society has been
difficult to
erase, has been recognized by the government, and will
continue for
the foreseeable future.
Data as of July 1994
Monk standing by the door of That Luang, Vientiane
Courtesy Gina Merris
Monks sawing logs for charcoal, Louangphrabang
Courtesy Gina Merris
Buddhism
Buddhism was the state religion of the Kingdom of Laos,
and the
organization of the Buddhist community of monks and
novices, the
clergy (sangha), paralleled the political
hierarchy. The
faith was introduced beginning in the eighth century by
Mon
Buddhist monks and was widespread by the fourteenth
century
(see Early History
, ch. 1). A number of Laotian kings were
important
patrons of Buddhism. Virtually all lowland Lao were
Buddhists in
the early 1990s, as well as some Lao Theung who have
assimilated to
lowland culture. Since 1975 the communist government has
not
opposed Buddhism but rather has attempted to manipulate it
to
support political goals, and with some success. Increased
prosperity and a relaxation of political control
stimulated a
revival of popular Buddhist practices in the early 1990s.
Lao Buddhists belong to the Theravada tradition, based
on the
earliest teachings of the Buddha and preserved in Sri
Lanka after
Mahayana Buddhism branched off in the second century B.C.
Theravada Buddhism (see Glossary)
is also the dominant school in
Thailand and
Cambodia.
Theravada Buddhism is neither prescriptive,
authoritative, nor
exclusive in its attitude toward its followers and is
tolerant of
other religions. It is based on three concepts:
dharma (see Glossary),
the doctrine of the Buddha, a guide to right
action and belief;
karma (see Glossary),
the retribution of actions,
the
responsibility of a person for all his or her actions in
all past
and present incarnations; and sangha, within which
a man can
improve the sum of his actions. There is no promise of
heaven or
life after death but rather salvation in the form of a
final
extinction of one's being and release from the cycle of
births and
deaths and the inevitable suffering while part of that
cycle. This
state of extinction, nirvana, comes after having achieved
enlightenment regarding the illusory nature of existence.
The essence of Buddhism is contained in the Four Noble
Truths
taught by the Buddha: suffering exists; suffering has a
cause,
which is the thirst or craving for existence; this craving
can be
stopped; and there is an Eightfold Path by which a
permanent state
of peace can be attained. Simply stated, the Eightfold
Path
consists of right understanding, right purpose, right
speech, right
conduct, right vocation, right effort, right thinking, and
right
meditation.
The average person cannot hope for nirvana at the end
of this
life, but by complying with the basic rules of moral
conduct, can
improve karma and thereby better his or her condition in
the next
incarnation. The doctrine of karma holds that, through the
working
of a just and impersonal cosmic law, actions in this life
and in
all previous incarnations determine which position along
the
hierarchy of living beings a person will occupy in the
next
incarnation. Karma can be favorably affected by avoiding
these five
prohibitions: killing, stealing, forbidden sexual
pleasures, lying,
and taking intoxicants. The most effective way to improve
karma is
to earn merit (het boun--literally, to do good--in
Lao).
Although any act of benevolence or generosity can earn
merit,
Laotians believe the best opportunities for merit come
from support
for the sangha and participation in its activities.
Traditionally, all males are expected to spend a period
as a
monk or novice prior to marriage and possibly in old age,
and the
majority of Lao Loum men probably did so until the 1970s.
Being
ordained also brings great merit to one's parents. The
period of
ordination need not be long--it could last only for the
three-month
Lenten retreat period--but many men spend years in the
sangha gaining both secular and religious
knowledge. Study
of the Pali language, in which all Theravada texts are
written, is
a fundamental component of religious training. Ordination
as a monk
also requires a man to comply with the 227 rules of the
monastic
order; novices--those under twenty years old--must obey
seventy-
five rules; and lay persons are expected to observe the
five
prohibitions. Only a few women, usually elderly, become
Buddhist
nuns; they live a contemplative and ascetic life but do
not lead
religious ceremonies as do monks.
Monks are trying to develop detachment from the world
and thus,
may have no possessions but must rely on the generosity of
people
for food and clothing. These gifts provide an important
opportunity
for the giver to earn merit. Women are more active than
men in
preparing and presenting rice and other food to monks, who
make
their morning rounds through the town carrying a bowl to
receive
offerings that are their only nourishment for the day. In
villages
where there are only a few monks or novices, the women of
the
village often take turns bringing food to the wat
each
morning. Attendance at prayers held at the wat on
the
quarter, full, and new moon of each lunar cycle also
provides a
regular means of gaining merit.
Major religious festivals occur several times a year.
The
beginning and end of the Lenten retreat period at the full
moon of
the eighth and eleventh months are occasions for special
offerings
of robes and religious articles to the monks. During
Buddhist Lent,
both monks and laity attempt to observe Buddhist precepts
more
closely. Monks must sleep at their own wat every
night--
rather than being free to travel--and are expected to
spend more
time in meditation. Offerings to monks and attendance at
full-moon
prayers are also greater than at other times. Vixakha
Bouxa, which
celebrates the birth, enlightenment, and death of Buddha
at the
full moon of the sixth month--usually May--corresponds
with the
rocket festival (boun bang fai), which heralds the
start of
the rains. The date of Boun Phavet, which commemorates the
charity
and detachment of Prince Vessantara, an earlier
incarnation of the
Buddha, varies within the dry season, and, aside from its
religious
orientation, serves as an important opportunity for a
village to
host its neighbors in a twenty-four-hour celebration
centering on
monks reciting the entire scripture related to Vessantara.
That
Luang, a Lao-style stupa, is the most sacred Buddhist
monument in
Laos and the location of the nationally important festival
and fair
in November.
For the Lao Loum, the wat is one of the two
focal points
of village life (the other is the school). The wat
provides
a symbol of village identity as well as a location for
ceremonies
and festivals. Prior to the establishment of secular
schools,
village boys received basic education from monks at the
wat.
Nearly every lowland village has a wat, and some
have two.
Minimally, a wat must have a residence building for
the
monks and novices (vihan), and a main building
housing the
Buddha statues (sim), which is used for secular
village
meetings as well as for prayer sessions. Depending on the
wealth
and contributions of the villagers, the buildings vary
from simple
wood and bamboo structures to large, ornate brick and
concrete
edifices decorated with colorful murals and tile roofs
shaped to
mimic the curve of the naga, the mythical snake or
water
dragon. An administrative committee made up of respected
older men
manages the financial and organizational affairs of the
wat.
Buddhist ceremonies generally do not mark events in a
life-
cycle, with the exception of death. Funerals may be quite
elaborate
if the family can afford it but are rather simple in rural
settings. The body lies in a coffin at home for several
days,
during which monks pray, and a continual stream of
visitors pay
their respects to the family and share food and drink.
After this
period, the body is taken in the coffin to a cremation
ground and
burned, again attended by monks. The ashes are then
interred in a
small shrine on the wat grounds.
Beginning in the late 1950s, the Pathet Lao attempted
to
convert monks to the leftist cause and to use the status
of the
sangha to influence the thoughts and attitudes of
the
populace. The effort was in many ways successful, despite
efforts
by the RLG to place the sangha under close civil
administrative control and to enlist monks in development
and
refugee assistance programs. Political scientist
Stuart-Fox
attributed the success of the Pathet Lao to the inability
of the
Lao Loum elite to integrate the monarchy, government, and
sangha into a set of mutually supportive
institutions.
Popular resentment of the aristocracy, division of the
sangha into two antagonistic sects, the low level
of its
religious education and discipline, and opposition to
foreign
(i.e., Western) influence all contributed to the
receptiveness of
many monks to Pathet Lao overtures. The politicization of
the
sangha by both sides lowered its status in the eyes
of many,
but its influence at the village level augmented popular
support
for the Pathet Lao political platform, which paved the way
for the
change in government in 1975.
The LPDR government's successful efforts to consolidate
its
authority also continues to influence Buddhism. In
political
seminars at all levels, the government taught that Marxism
and
Buddhism were basically compatible because both
disciplines stated
that all men are equal, and both aimed to end suffering.
Political
seminars further discouraged "wasteful" expenditures on
religious
activities of all kinds, because some monks were sent to
political
reeducation centers and others were forbidden to preach.
The
renunciation of private property by the monks was seen as
approaching the ideal of a future communist society.
However,
Buddhist principles of detachment and nonmaterialism are
clearly at
odds with the Marxist doctrine of economic development,
and popular
expenditures on religious donations for merit making are
also seen
as depriving the state of resources. Thus, although
overtly
espousing tolerance of Buddhism, the state undercut the
authority
and moral standing of the sangha by compelling
monks to
spread party propaganda and by keeping local monks from
their
traditional participation in most village decisions and
activities.
During this period of political consolidation, many monks
left the
sangha or fled to Thailand. Other pro-Pathet Lao
monks
joined the newly formed Lao United Buddhists Association,
which
replaced the former religious hierarchy. The numbers of
men and
boys being ordained declined abruptly, and many wat
fell
empty. Participation at weekly and monthly religious
ceremonies
also dropped off as villagers under the watchful eye of
local
political cadre were fearful of any behavior not
specifically
encouraged.
The nadir of Buddhism in Laos occurred around 1979,
after which
a strategic liberalization of policy occurred. Since that
time, the
number of monks has gradually increased, although as of
1993, the
main concentrations continue to be in Vientiane and other
Mekong
Valley cities. Buddhist schools in the cities remain but
have come
to include a significant political component in the
curriculum.
Party officials are allowed to participate at Buddhist
ceremonies
and even to be ordained as monks to earn religious merit
following
the death of close relatives. The level of religious
understanding
and orthodoxy of the sangha, however, is no higher
than it
had been before 1975, when it was justly criticized by
many as
backward and unobservant of the precepts.
From the late 1980s, stimulated as much by economic
reform as
political relaxation, donations to the wat and
participation
at Buddhist festivals began to increase sharply. Festivals
at the
village and neighborhood level became more elaborate, and
the That
Luang festival and fair, which until 1986 had been
restricted to a
three-day observance, lasted for seven days. Ordinations
also
increased, in towns and at the village level, and
household
ceremonies of blessing, in which monks were central
participants,
also began to recur. Although the role of Buddhism has
been
permanently changed by its encounter with the socialist
government,
it appears that Buddhism's fundamental importance to
lowland Lao
and to the organization of Lao Loum society has been
difficult to
erase, has been recognized by the government, and will
continue for
the foreseeable future.
Data as of July 1994
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