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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Kyrgyzstan
Index
For the first two years of independence, Kyrgyzstan's newspapers were a
remarkable phenomenon, with real political significance and power. Save
that Kyrgyzstan's newspapers had not yet developed a Western-style code of
journalistic scrupulousness and restraint, it would have been possible to
say that the press was beginning to become the fourth estate that the
media represent in developed democracies. Through late 1993, Kyrgyzstan's
newspapers enjoyed the greatest freedom of publication in any of the
Central Asian nations, rivaling the freedom of the post-1991 Moscow press.
Although a state secrecy committee had the power to require submission of
materials in advance of publication, in fact the newspapers were able to
discuss issues of public interest closely and dispassionately. During the
gold scandals, for example, the newspapers played a crucial role in airing
both opposition attacks on Akayev and his government, and the government's
defense against those attacks.
Since 1993, however, the government has moved increasingly to impose
control. In August 1993, formal censorship was briefly reimposed, but then
a spirited outcry from the press brought a reversal of that move. More
subtle methods of censorship were applied in January 1994, during the
run-up to the public referendum on Akayev's performance. Although there
are several independent or quasi-independent newspapers in the republic,
all printing presses remain in government hands, which gives the state the
option of simply refusing to print opposition newspapers.
In 1994 the Akayev government stepped up pressure on the local press,
closing three newspapers entirely, including the popular Russian-language
Svobodnye gory , the official organ of the parliament.
Government officials also began to bring suits against newspapers as
private individuals, claiming defamation and slander. One such case
resulted in a costly judgement against the editor of Delo No , a
tabloid-style scandal sheet that is perhaps the most widely read newspaper
in the country. In the spring of 1995, Akayev used the same tactic against
the editor of Respublika , long one of the most persistent and
successful critics of the regime; the president succeeded in getting a
judgement that forbids the editor from working for eighteen months.
Beginning in 1994, the Kyrgyz populace began to feel threatened by the
government and other forces in the republic. The atmosphere has not been
helped by a series of unexplained attacks on journalists, including one
popular commentator, a persistent investigator of the gold scandals, who
died after being struck on the head. Although the newsman's grave also was
desecrated shortly after his burial, no government investigation was
conducted. The government has shown reluctance to impose direct
Soviet-style censorship, but Akayev warned in January 1995 that the press
would be wise to begin practicing self-censorship and to print more
positive news.
The economic conditions of journalism prevent any Kyrgyzstani newspaper
from being totally free. None of the republic's papers has yet developed a
sustaining readership, and because the economy is insufficiently developed
to provide advertising revenue, all newspapers must depend on sponsors.
For many papers, including Slovo Kyrgyzstana , which has the
largest circulation, the sponsor is the government. Others such as Asaba
have political sponsors, and at least one is sponsored by Turkish
investors. Even the most independent of the papers, Respublika ,
has been forced to turn to commercial sponsors, which, according to rumor,
include Seabeco-Kyrgyzstan, the scandal-tainted intermediary in the Kumtor
gold deal.
The most important Russian-language newspapers are Slovo
Kyrgyzstana , the official government paper (circulation about 15,000
in 1994); Vechernii Bishkek , a more domestic city paper
(reaching 75,000 readers on Fridays); the tabloid scandal sheet Delo
No (30,000 copies); Asaba , the organ of the party of the
same name (20,000 copies); and Respublika , the most prominent
surviving opposition paper (7,000 copies). The major Kyrgyz language
newspapers are Kyrgyz guusu and Kut Bilim . A
bilingual newspaper, Erkin Too/Svobodnye gory , has appeared,
but, unlike its earlier namesake, it is not an opposition paper. One
English-language paper, Kyrgyzstan Chronicle , mostly reproduces
articles from foreign English-language sources.
The electronic media are unevenly developed in the republic, both
because of the physical constraints imposed by the country's mountainous
terrain and because of financial difficulties. Resources are concentrated
in Bishkek, which is well supplied with television and with radio.
Penetration of more remote areas, however, is incomplete.
The government retains ownership of all but one broadcast facility,
giving it a strong voice in the development of independent programming.
There is at least one independent radio company, called Piramida, and
several independent television production companies. In June 1995, the
government proposed reinstitution of formal state control over all
broadcasting in the republic.
Financial problems have caused Kyrgyzstan to cut back on the number of
hours of Russian television that it relays from Moscow, although the
Russian government has shown an inclination to work with Kyrgyzstan to
keep Russian-language programming on the air in the republic. In the
south, most programming originates in Uzbekistan, a situation that tends
to exacerbate the north-south split within Kyrgyzstan.
Data as of March 1996
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