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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Kuwait
Index
The invasion also changed the dynamics of Kuwaiti
politics.
The crisis of invasion, occupation, and exile further
solidified
the Kuwaiti opposition, which had begun emerging in the
Constitutional Movement before the invasion. During the
invasion,
much of the opposition and the government regrouped in
exile in
Saudi Arabia. There, opposition leaders reiterated their
preinvasion concerns and called on the amir to promise a
return
to a more democratic system in restored Kuwait.
The showdown came in October 1990 when the ruler met
with
1,200 opposition leaders in Saudi Arabia and publicly
promised
liberalization following liberation. The elite opposition,
however, finally unified just as it was losing its popular
base
to the resistance groups inside Kuwait. Kuwaitis who spent
months
fighting the occupation had little need for those who
spent the
war in relatively comfortable exile. To them, opposition
leaders
in exile became figures as distant as the amir. These
divisions
surfaced as goods waited in warehouses while resistance
leaders
argued with returned administrators over the right to feed
the
population. The opposition, so briefly united, redivided.
Several
identifiable factions emerged. These included the
Democratic
Forum, representing the liberal progressives. In defiance
of the
law, the Democratic Forum declared itself a political
party in
1991. The Sunni Islamist opposition broke into the
historically
Muslim Brotherhood-oriented Islamic Constitutional
Movement and
the Islamic Alliance. The National Islamic Coalition
represented
Shia.
Had the amir returned quickly to Kuwait, stood above
the
factions, and appealed to the natural desire of a
population
tired by war to retreat from politics to the private world
of
reunited families, he might have scuttled the prodemocracy
movement and reimposed a relatively benign
authoritarianism.
Instead, the amir hesitated and unwittingly forged a broad
united
prodemocratic front that could truly challenge his rule.
Instead
of fracturing, the Kuwaiti opposition came together,
voicing a
unified demand for a more open, participatory political
system.
The amir finally agreed to hold elections for the National
Assembly in October 1992
(see Legislature
, this ch.). In
the
interim, the National Council continued to meet.
There is little postwar change in the ruling family's
dominant position in the country, although probably more
grumbling occurs in private about the family's behavior.
The Al
Sabah continue to control the highest posts, although
there have
been changes in personnel. In April 1991, the government
announced a new cabinet. Whereas the overall presence of
the
ruling family changed little, the number of cabinet
members from
the Salim branch rather than the Jabir branch increased, a
shift
that usually had occurred only after a succession. In the
cabinet, Sabah al Ahmad Al Sabah, minister of foreign
affairs
since the 1960s, was replaced by Salim as Salim Al Sabah,
formerly minister of interior. In addition, Minister of
Finance
Ali al Khalifa Al Sabah stepped down, and Minister of
Defense
Nawwaf al Ahmad Al Sabah was appointed to the less
significant
post of minister of social affairs and labor. The
opposition
hoped that the primary check on the royal family and the
cabinet
would be the National Assembly. Following the October 1992
election, the Salim and Jabir branches' representation in
the
cabinet became more balanced.
In 1993 the government continued to express a profound
ambivalence about political liberalization. Although it
lifted
press censorship in January 1992, journalists face some
continuing restrictions and criticism of political
coverage and
debate by the government. The government has banned
several
public meetings by opposition groups and private
associations.
The October 1992 election revealed the basic forces that
are
likely to continue to shape Kuwait's political future into
the
twenty-first century. The first force is an historically
grounded
and popular impulse toward political liberalization.
Although the
prodemocracy movement may experience times of relative
quiescence
as it has in the past, it is unlikely to be extinguished.
The
second is what appeared in the immediate postinvasion
period to
be a growing impulse toward more authoritarian rule.
Whereas
Kuwait historically has not experienced heavy-handed
government,
pockets of its population (some foreigners and Shia) have
felt
the heavier hand of the state at times. The amir's efforts
to
develop a larger internal security apparatus to use first
against
the resident Palestinian population and then against the
national
opposition threatens Kuwait's prodemocracy movement. These
efforts also ran into strong opposition when the National
Assembly convened in October 1992. Like the prodemocracy
movement, the new security force will not vanish unless
compelled
to do so. The invasion thus appears to have activated both
a more
authoritarian impulse in the government and a more
prodemocratic
impulse among the population. The postinvasion period has
seen
the struggle between these two forces.
* * *
Ahmad Abu-Hakima's Modern History of Kuwait
provides a
good historical overview. Jill Crystal's Kuwait: The
Transformation of an Oil State offers a general
overview of
Kuwait; her Oil and Politics in the Gulf provides a
more
analytical survey of Kuwaiti politics. On politics, Hassan
Ibrahim's Kuwait: a Political Study and J.E.
Peterson's
The Arab Gulf States are helpful. On the ruling
family, a
most useful book is Alan Rush's Al-Sabah: Genealogy and
History of Kuwait's Ruling Family, 1752-1987. The best
general introduction to Kuwait's foreign policy
environment is
Abdul-Reda Assiri's Kuwait's Foreign Policy.
A general sociological introduction to Kuwait is found
in
Jacqueline Ismael's Kuwait: Social Change in Historical
Perspective. Suad al-Sabah's Development Planning
in an
Oil Economy and the Role of the Woman looks at women's
issues
in Kuwait. With regard to expatriates, Shamlan Alessa's
The
Manpower Problem in Kuwait is helpful.
Books on Kuwait's economy include M.W. Khouja and P.G.
Sadler's The Economy of Kuwait; Y.S.F. al-Sabah's
The
Oil Economy of Kuwait; Ragaei El Mallakh and Jacob
Atta's
The Absorptive Capacity of Kuwait; and Suad
al-Sabah's
Kuwait: Anatomy of a Crisis Economy. Fida Darwiche
covers
the stock market crash in The Gulf Stock Exchange
Crash.
A wealth of statistical information is available in the
annual reports put out by the Kuwait Ministry of
Planning's
Central Statistical Office in its Annual Statistical
Abstract. Current economic events can be followed in
the
Middle East Economic Digest, Economist,
Wall
Street Journal, and Financial Times (which
usually
surveys Kuwait in February). (For further information and
complete citations,
see
Bibliography.)
Data as of January 1993
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