MONGABAY.COM
Mongabay.com seeks to raise interest in and appreciation of wild lands and wildlife, while examining the impact of emerging trends in climate, technology, economics, and finance on conservation and development (more)
WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
|
|
Jordan
Index
Mosaic of the city of Amman, or Philadelphia, from the
Umm ar Rasas pavement in a Byzantine church, c. 780
IN LATE 1989, KING HUSSEIN ibn Talal ibn Abdullah ibn Hussein Al
Hashimi remained in firm control of Jordan's political system as
the central policymaker and legislative and executive authority. He
maintained tight control over key government functions, such as
national defense, internal security, justice, and foreign affairs.
Crown Prince Hasan, the king's younger brother and heir apparent,
complemented the small, Hussein-centered circle of power in his
role as the king's right-hand man, especially in the areas of
economy and administration.
Hussein's main power base continued to rest on the beduindominated army, which had been loyal to the Hashimite (also seen as
Hashemite) family for seven decades. Another source of strength was
his astute ability to balance sociopolitical interests at home.
Equally important, Hussein was Jordan's most accomplished diplomatnegotiator . During the 1980s, Hussein's autocracy also was
substantially bolstered by his rapprochement with the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO). This significant development greatly
reduced the threat to Hussein's rule posed since 1970 by various
Palestinian guerrilla groups. Some groups, however, notably the
Black September and Abu Nidal factions, continued to seek the
overthrow of the entire monarchical structure.
The
Transjordanians (see Glossary)
occupied a dominant place in
the existing power structure. Hussein's palace staff and his top
civil, judicial, and military officials were mostly
Transjordanians. Although there was a
Palestinian (see Glossary)
presence on the periphery of power, the Palestinians' continued
exclusion from substantive decision-making positions tended to
alienate the Palestinian community and served as a potential source
of political instability. Hussein's decision in July 1988 to
renounce Jordan's claim to sovereignty over the
West Bank (see Glossary)
and his subsequent recognition of the PLO's declaration
of an independent Palestine may further affect the systemic
integrity of Jordan because the Palestinians living on the
East Bank (see Glossary)
must choose whether they want Jordanian or
Palestinian nationality.
Another source of political instability for Hussein's regime at
the close of the 1980s was the continued severe recession that had
plagued the economy since the mid-1980s. This economic retrenchment
was in sharp contrast to the economic growth experienced during the
late 1970s and early 1980s. The combination of high inflation and
high unemployment rates contributed to the pervasive sense of
dissatisfaction that erupted in major antigovernment riots in
several cities and towns in April 1989. Although all Jordanians
were adversely affected by rising prices and falling income, the
Palestinians living in refugee camps--most of whom were poor before
the recession--bore the brunt of the economic decline. Their
economic frustrations helped reinforce their political alienation.
Data as of December 1989
|
|