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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Israel
Index
The cease-fire signaled the start of a new stage in the war, as
Israel focused on PLO forces trapped in Beirut. Although Israel had
long adhered to the axiom that conquering and occupying an Arab
capital would be a political and military disaster, key Israeli
leaders were determined to drive the PLO out of Beirut. Israel
maintained the siege of Beirut for seventy days, unleashing a
relentless air, naval, and artillery bombardment. The Israeli air
force conducted what was called a "manhunt by air" for Arafat and
his lieutenants and on several occasions bombed premises only
minutes after the PLO leadership had vacated them. If the PLO was
hurt physically by the bombardments, the appalling civilian
casualties earned Israel world opprobrium. Morale plummeted among
IDF officers and enlisted men, many of whom personally opposed the
war. Lebanese leaders petitioned Arafat, who had threatened to
fight the IDF until the last man, to abandon Beirut to spare
further civilian suffering. Arafat's condition for withdrawal was
that a multinational peacekeeping force be deployed to protect the
Palestinian families left behind. Syria and Tunisia agreed to host
departing PLO fighters. An advance unit of the Multinational Force,
350 French troops, arrived in Beirut on August 11, followed within
one week by a contingent of 800 United States marines. By September
1, approximately 8,000 Palestinian guerrillas, 2,600 PLA regulars,
and 3,600 Syrian troops had evacuated West Beirut.
Taking stock of the war's toll, Israel announced the death of
344 of its soldiers and the wounding of more than 2,000. Israel
calculated that hundreds of Syrian soldiers had been killed and
more than 1,000 wounded, and that 1,000 Palestinian guerrillas had
been killed and 7,000 captured. By Lebanese estimates, 17,825
Lebanese had died and more than 30,000 had been wounded.
On the evening of September 12, 1982, the IDF, having
surrounded the Palestinian refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila,
dispatched 300 to 400 Christian militiamen into the camps to rout
what was believed to be the remnant of the PLO forces. The
militiamen were mostly Phalangists but also included members of the
Israeli-sponsored South Lebanon Army (SLA). The IDF ordered its
soldiers to refrain from entering the camps, but IDF officers
supervised the operation from the roof of a six-story building
overlooking part of the area. According to the report of the Kahan
Commission created later by the Israeli government to investigate
the events, the IDF monitored the Phalangist radio network and
fired flares from mortars and aircraft to illuminate the area. Over
a period of two days, the Christian militiamen massacred 700 to 800
Palestinian men, women, and children.
Minister of Defense Ariel Sharon, the architect of Israel's war
in Lebanon, was forced to resign his portfolio in the wake of the
Sabra and Shatila investigation, although he remained in the
cabinet. He was replaced by former ambassador to the United States
Moshe Arens, who wanted Israel to withdraw promptly from Lebanon,
if only to avoid further antagonizing Washington.
Israel withdrew its forces to the outskirts of the capital but
it no longer had a clear tactical mission in Lebanon. Israel
intended its continued presence to be a bargaining chip to
negotiate a Syrian withdrawal. While awaiting a political
agreement, the IDF had to fight a different kind of war. Turned
into a static and defensive garrison force, it was now caught in a
crossfire between warring factions. Its allies in Lebanon, the
Christian Maronite militias, proved to be incapable of providing
day-to-day security and holding territory taken from the PLO. The
hostility engendered among the predominant Shia population of
southern Lebanon over the prolonged Israeli occupation was in some
ways potentially more dangerous than the threat posed by
Palestinian guerrillas. In November 1983, the blowing up of the
Israeli command post in Tyre signaled the beginning of full-scale
guerrilla warfare by Shia groups, some of which were linked
militarily and ideologically to Iran. During 1984, more than 900
attacks--hit-and-run ambushes, grenade assaults, and antipersonnel
mine detonations--took place upon Israeli troops. Realizing that to
attempt to hold a hostile region like southern Lebanon indefinitely
contravened its basic strategic doctrine, the IDF pulled back its
forces between January and June 1985, leaving only a token force to
patrol a narrow security zone with its proxy, the SLA.
Data as of December 1988
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