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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Iran
Index
The concept of exporting the Islamic Revolution derives from a
particular worldview that perceives Islamic revolution as the means
whereby Muslims and non-Muslims can liberate themselves from the
oppression of tyrants who serve the interests of international
imperialism. Both the United States and the Soviet Union are
perceived as the two principal imperialist powers that exploit
Third World countries. A renewed commitment to Islam, as the
experience of Iran in overthrowing the shah demonstrated, permits
oppressed nations to defeat imperialism. According to this
perspective, by following Iran's example any country can free
itself from imperialist domination.
Although the political elite agrees upon the desirability of
exporting revolution, no unanimity exists on the means of achieving
this goal. At one end of the spectrum is the view that propaganda
efforts to teach Muslims about the Iranian example is the way to
export revolution. Material assistance of any form is not necessary
because oppressed people demonstrate their readiness for Islamic
revolution by rising against dictatorial governments. Those who
subscribe to this line of reasoning argue that Iranians received no
external assistance in their Revolution but were successful as a
result of their commitment to Islam. Furthermore, they cite
Khomeini's often stated dictum that Iran has no intention of
interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. This view
is compatible with the maintenance of normal diplomatic relations
between Iran and other countries.
At the opposite end of the spectrum is the view of Iran as the
vanguard of a world revolutionary movement to liberate Muslim
countries specifically, and other Third World countries generally,
from imperialist subjugation. This activist perspective contends
that the effective export of revolution must not be limited to
propaganda efforts but must also include both financial and
military assistance. Advocates of this view also cite Khomeini to
justify their position and frequently quote his statements on the
inevitability of the spread of Islamic revolution throughout the
world.
Although various viewpoints fall between these two
perspectives, since 1979 the two extreme views have been in
contention in the formulation of foreign policy. In general, those
who advocate exporting revolution solely through education and
example have dominated the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, while those
who favor active assistance to nonstate revolutionary groups have
not served in important government positions relating to foreign
policy. Nevertheless, because the supporters of an activist
approach include some prominent political leaders, they have been
able to exercise influence over certain areas of foreign relations.
This has been especially true with respect to policy toward Lebanon
and, to a lesser degree, policy in the Persian Gulf
(see Relations with Regional Powers
, this ch.).
The earliest organization promoting the active export of
revolution was Satja, established in the spring of 1979 by Mohammad
Montazeri and his close associate, Mehdi Hashemi. Satja's contacts
with numerous nonstate groups throughout the Arab Middle East soon
brought the organization into direct conflict with both the IRP
leadership and the provisional government. Ayatollah Hosain Ali
Montazeri, the father of Mohammad Montazeri, rebuked his son
publicly, saying his son had been suffering illusions since being
tortured by the former shah's secret police. Satja was forced to
disband, but Mohammad Montazeri and Hashemi then joined the
Pasdaran, where they eventually set up within that organization the
Liberation Movements Office. Mohammad Montazeri was subsequently
killed in the June 1981 bombing of the IRP headquarters that
claimed the lives of over seventy prominent politicians. Following
that development, Hashemi emerged as the principal leader of those
advocating both moral and material support for revolutionaries
around the world.
Under Hashemi's direction, the Liberation Movements Office
operated autonomously of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and
maintained contact with opposition movements in several countries.
Inevitably, its goal of promoting revolution abroad conflicted with
the government's objective of normalizing relations with at least
some of the governments that the Liberation Movements Office was
helping to overthrow. Control over the direction of foreign policy
was eventually resolved in favor of the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs. In 1984 the Liberation Movements Office was removed from
the jurisdiction of the Pasdaran, and its functions were
transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Ministry of
Information and Security. Dissatisfied with these arrangements,
Hashemi resigned from his posts and went to Qom. There he obtained
a position within the large bureaucracy of Ayatollah Montazeri, who
supervised six seminaries, several charitable organizations, a
publishing house, and numerous political offices. Having lost none
of his zeal for exporting revolution, Hashemi succeeded in setting
up the Office for Global Revolution, which, although nominally part
of Montazeri's staff, actually operated independently. By 1986
Hashemi's activities had once again brought him into conflict with
the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In October he and several of his
associates were arrested, and the Office for Global Revolution was
closed. During the summer of 1987, Hashemi and some of his
colleagues were tried for "deviating from Islam"; Hashemi was found
guilty and subsequently executed.
Data as of December 1987
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