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WEEKLY NEWSLETTER
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Chile
Index
A textile figure depicting a tree (temu, meaning
the tree Temu divaricatum), from a seventeenth-century
Mapuche woman's belt called ñimintrarüwe
FROM ONE OF THE MOST neglected outposts of the Spanish
Empire,
Chile developed into one of the most prosperous and
democratic
nations in Latin America. Throughout its history, however,
Chile
has depended on great external powers for economic
exchange and
political influence: Spain in the colonial period, Britain
in the
nineteenth century, and the United States in the twentieth
century.
Chile's dependence is made most evident by the
country's heavy
reliance on exports. These have included silver and gold
in the
colonial period, wheat in the mid-nineteenth century,
nitrates up
to World War I, copper after the 1930s, and a variety of
commodities sold overseas in more recent years. The
national
economy's orientation toward the extraction of primary
products has
gone hand in hand with severe exploitation of workers.
Beginning
with the coerced labor of native Americans during the
Spanish
conquest, the exploitation continued with
mestizo (see Glossary)
peonage on huge farms in the eighteenth and nineteenth
centuries
and brutal treatment of miners in the north in the first
decade of
the twentieth century. The most recent victimization of
workers
occurred during the military dictatorship of Augusto
Pinochet
Ugarte (1973-90), when unions were suppressed and wages
were
depressed, unemployment increased, and political parties
were
banned.
Another persistent feature of Chile's economic history
has been
the conflict over land in the countryside, beginning when
the
Spaniards displaced the indigenous people during their
sixteenthcentury conquest. Later chapters of this struggle have
included the
expansion of the great estates during the ensuing four
centuries
and the agrarian reform efforts of the 1960s and 1970s.
Politically, Chile has also conformed to several
patterns.
Since winning independence in 1818, the nation has had a
history of
civilian rule surpassed by that of few countries in the
world. In
the nineteenth century, Chile became the first country in
Latin
America to install a durable constitutional system of
government,
which encouraged the development of an array of political
parties.
Military intervention in politics has been rare in Chile,
occurring
only at times of extraordinary social crisis, as in 1891,
1924,
1925, 1932, and 1973. These interventions often brought
about
massive transformations; all the fundamental changes in
the Chilean
political system and its constitutions have occurred with
the
intervention of the armed forces, acting in concert with
civilian
politicians.
From 1932 to 1973, Chile built on its republican
tradition by
sustaining one of the most stable, reformist, and
representative
democracies in the world. Although elitist and
conservative in some
respects, the political system provided for the peaceful
transfer
of power and the gradual incorporation of new contenders.
Undergirding that system were Chile's strong political
parties,
which were often attracted to foreign ideologies and
formulas.
Having thoroughly permeated society, these parties were
able to
withstand crushing blows from the Pinochet regime of
1973-90.
Republican political institutions were able to take
root in
Chile in the nineteenth century before new social groups
demanded
participation. Contenders from the middle and lower
classes
gradually were assimilated into an accommodating political
system
in which most disputes were settled peacefully, although
disruptions related to the demands of workers often met a
harsh,
violent response. The system expanded to incorporate more
and more
competing regional, anticlerical, and economic elites in
the
nineteenth century. The middle classes gained political
offices and
welfare benefits in the opening decades of the twentieth
century.
From the 1920s to the 1940s, urban laborers obtained
unionization
rights and participated in reformist governments. In the
1950s,
women finally exercised full suffrage and became a
decisive
electoral force. And by the 1960s, rural workers achieved
influence
with reformist parties, widespread unionization, and land
reform.
As the political system evolved, groups divided on
either side
of six main issues. The first and most important in the
nineteenth
century was the role of the Roman Catholic Church in
political,
social, and economic affairs. Neither of the two major
parties, the
Conservative Party and the Liberal Party, opposed the
practice of
Catholicism. However, the Conservatives defended the
church's
secular prerogatives; the Liberals (and later the
Nationals,
Radicals, Democrats, and Marxists) took anticlerical
positions.
The second source of friction was regionalism, although
less
virulent than in some larger Latin American countries. In
the north
and south, reform groups became powerful, especially the
Conservatives holding sway in Chile's Central Valley
(Valle
Central), who advocated opposition to the establishment.
Regional
groups made a significant impact on political life in
Chile: they
mobilized repeated rebellions against the central
government from
the 1830s through the 1850s; helped replace a centralizing
president with a political system dominated by the
National
Congress (hereafter, Congress) and local bosses in the
1890s;
elected Arturo Alessandri Palma (1920-24, 1925, 1932-38)
as the
chief executive representing the north against the central
oligarchy in 1920; and cast exceptional percentages of
their
ballots for reformist and leftist candidates (especially
Radicals,
Communists, and Socialists) from the 1920s to the 1970s.
Throughout
the twentieth century, leaders outside Santiago also
pleaded for
administrative decentralization until the Pinochet
government
devolved greater authority on provincial and municipal
governments
and even moved Congress from Santiago to Valparaíso.
The third issue dividing Chileans--social class--grew
in
importance from the nineteenth century to the twentieth
century.
Although both the Conservatives and the Liberals
represented the
upper stratum, in the nineteenth century the Radicals
began to
speak on behalf of many in the middle class, and the
Democrats
built a base among urban artisans and workers. In the
twentieth
century, the Socialists and Communists became the leaders
of
organized labor. Along with the Christian Democratic
Party, these
parties attracted adherents among impoverished people in
the
countryside and the urban slums.
In the twentieth century, three other issues became
salient,
although not as significant as divisions over social
class,
regionalism, or the role of the church. One was the
cleavage
between city and country, which was manifested politically
by the
leftist parties' relative success in the urban areas and
by the
rightist groups in the countryside. Another source of
strife was
ideology; most Chilean parties after World War I sharply
defined
themselves in terms of programmatic and philosophical
differences,
often imported from abroad, including liberalism, Marxism,
corporatism (see
Glossary), and
communitarianism
(see Glossary).
Gender also became a political issue and divider. After
women began
voting for president in 1952, they were more likely than
men to
cast ballots for rightist or centrist candidates.
As Chile's political parties grew, they attracted
followers not
only on the basis of ideology but also on the basis of
patronclient relationships between candidates and voters. These
ties were
particularly important at the local level, where mediation
with
government agencies, provision of public employment, and
delivery
of public services were more crucial than ideological
battles waged
on the national stage. Over generations, these bonds
became tightly
woven, producing within the parties fervent and exclusive
subcultures nurtured in the family, the community, and the
workplace. As a result, by the mid-twentieth century the
parties
had politicized schools, unions, professional
associations, the
media, and virtually all other components of national
life. The
intense politicization of modern Chile has its roots in
events of
the nineteenth century.
During the colonial period and most of the twentieth
century,
the central state played an active role in the economy
until many
of its functions were curtailed by the military government
of
General Pinochet. State power was highly centralized from
the 1830s
to the 1970s, to the ire of the outlying provinces.
Although normally governed by civilians, Chile has been
militaristic in its dealings with native people, workers,
and
neighboring states. In the twentieth century, it has been
a
supporter of arbitration in international disputes. In
foreign
policy, Chile has long sought to be the strongest power on
the
Pacific Coast of South America, and it has always shied
away from
diplomatic entanglements outside the Americas.
Data as of March 1994
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